Plutarch
46-119 A.C.E - Wrote in Greek
Aristides
Written 75 A.C.E.
Translated by John Dryden
Aristides
(died ca. 468 B.C.E.)
By Plutarch
Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, was of the tribe Antiochis, and township
of Alopece. As to wealth, statements differ; some say he passed his life
in extreme poverty, and left behind him two daughters whose indigence long
kept them unmarried; but Demetrius, the Phalerian, in opposition to this
general report, professes in his Socrates to know a farm at Phalerum going
by Aristides's name, where he was interred; and, as marks of his opulence,
adduces first, the office of archon eponymus, which he obtained by the
lot of the bean; which was confined to the highest assessed families, called
the Pentacosiomedimni; second, the ostracism, which was not usually inflicted
on the poorer citizens, but on those of great houses, whose station exposed
them to envy; third and last, that he left certain tripods in the temple
of Bacchus, offerings for his victory in conducting the representation
of dramatic performances, which were even in our age still to be seen,
retaining this inscription upon them, "The tribe Antiochis obtained the
victory: Aristides defrayed the charges: Archestratus's play was acted."
But this argument, though in appearance the strongest, is of the least
moment of any. For Epaminondas, who all the world knows was educated, and
lived his whole life in much poverty, and also Plato, the philosopher,
exhibited magnificent shows, the one an entertainment of flute-players,
the other of dithyrambic singers; Dion, the Syracusan, supplying the expenses
of the latter, and Pelopidas those of Epaminondas. For good men do not
allow themselves in any inveterate and irreconcilable hostility to receiving
presents from their friends, but while looking upon those that are accepted
to be hoarded up and with avaricious intentions as sordid and mean, they
do not refuse such as, apart from all profit, gratify the pure love of
honour and magnificence. Panaetius, again, shows that Demetrius was deceived
concerning the tripod by an identity of name. For, from the Persian war
to the end of the Peloponnesian, there are upon record only two of the
name of Aristides who defrayed the expense of representing plays and gained
the prize, neither of which was the same with the son of Lysimachus; but
the father of the one was Xenophilus, and the other lived at a much later
time, as the way of writing, which is that in use since the time of Euclides,
and the addition of the name of Archestratus prove, a name which, in the
time of the Persian war, no writer mentions, but which several, during
the Peloponnesian war, record as that of a dramatic poet. The argument
of Panaetius requires to be more closely considered. But as for the ostracism,
every one was liable to it, whom his reputation, birth, or eloquence raised
above the common level; insomuch that even Damon, preceptor to Pericles,
was thus banished, because he seemed a man of more than ordinary sense.
And, moreover, Idomeneus says that Aristides was not made archon by the
lot of the bean, but the free election of the people. And if he held the
office after the battle of Plataea, as Demetrius himself has written, it
is very probable that his great reputation and success in the war made
him be preferred for his virtue to an office which others received in consideration
of their wealth. But Demetrius manifestly is eager not only to exempt Aristides,
but Socrates likewise, from poverty, as from a great evil; telling us that
the latter had not only a house of his own, but also seventy minae put
out at interest with Crito.
Aristides being the friend and supporter of that Clisthenes, who
settled the government after the expulsion of the tyrants, and emulating
and admiring Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian, above all politicians, adhered
to the aristocratical principles of government; and had Themistocles, son
to Neocles, his adversary on the side of the populace. Some say that, being
boys and bred up together from their infancy, they were always at variance
with each other in all their words and actions, as well serious as playful,
and that in this their early contention they soon made proof of their natural
inclinations; the one being ready, adventurous, and subtle, engaging readily
and eagerly in everything; the other of a staid and settled temper, intent
on the exercise of justice, not admitting any degree of falsity, indecorum,
or trickery, no, not so much as at his play. Ariston of Chios says the
first origin of the enmity which rose to so great a height was a love affair;
they were rivals for the affection of the beautiful Stesilaus of Ceos,
and were passionate beyond all moderation, and did not lay aside their
animosity when the beauty that had excited it passed away; but, as if it
had only exercised them in it, immediately carried their beats and differences
into public business.
Themistocles, therefore, joining an association of partisans, fortified
himself with considerable strength; insomuch that when some one told him
that were he impartial he would make a good magistrate; "I wish," replied
he, "I may never sit on that tribunal where my friends shall not plead
a greater privilege than strangers." But Aristides walked, so to say, alone
on his own path in politics, being unwilling, in the first place, to go
along with his associates in ill-doing, or to cause them vexation by not
gratifying their wishes; and, secondly, observing that many were encouraged
by the support they had in their friends to act injuriously, he was cautious;
being of opinion that the integrity of his words and actions was the only
right security for a good citizen.
However, Themistocles making many dangerous alterations, and withstanding
and interrupting him in the whole series of his actions, Aristides also
was necessitated to set himself against all Themistocles did, partly in
self-defence, and partly to impede his power from still increasing by the
favour of the multitude; esteeming it better to let slip some public conveniences,
rather than that he by prevailing should become powerful in all things.
In fine, when he once had opposed Themistocles in some measures that were
expedient, and had got the better of him, he could not refrain from saying,
when he left the assembly, that unless they sent Themistocles and himself
to the barathum, there could be no safety for Athens. Another time, when
urging some proposal upon the people, though there were much opposition
and stirring against it, he yet was gaining the day; but just as the president
of the assembly was about to put it to the vote, perceiving by what had
been said in debate the inexpediency of his advice, he let it fall. Also
he often brought in his bills by other persons, lest Themistocles, through
party spirit against him, should be any hindrance to the good of the
public.
In all the vicissitudes of public affairs, the constancy he showed
was admirable, not being elated with honours, and demeaning himself tranquilly
and sedately in adversity; holding the opinion that he ought to offer himself
to the service of his country without mercenary views and irrespectively
of any reward, not only of riches, but even of glory itself. Hence it came,
probably, that at the recital of these verses of Aeschylus in the theatre,
relating to Amphiaraus-
"For not at seeming just, but being so
He aims; and from his depth of soil below
Harvests of wise and prudent counsels grow, the eyes of all the spectators
turned on Aristides, as if this virtue, in an especial manner, belonged
to him.
He was a most determined champion for justice, not only against
feelings of friendship and favour, but wrath and malice. Thus it is reported
of him that when prosecuting the law against one who was his enemy, on
the judges after accusation refusing to hear the criminal, and proceeding
immediately to pass sentence upon him, he rose in haste from his seat and
joined in petition with him for a hearing, and that he might enjoy the
privilege of the law. Another time, when judging between two private persons,
on the one declaring his adversary had very much injured Aristides; "Tell
me rather, good friend," he said, "what wrong he has done you; for it is
your cause, not my own, which I now sit judge of." Being chosen to the
charge of the public revenue, he made it appear, that not only those of
his time, but the preceding officers, had alienated much treasure, and
especially Themistocles-
"Well known he was an able man to be,
But with his fingers apt to be too free."
Therefore, Themistocles associating several persons against Aristides,
and impeaching him when he gave in his accounts, caused him to be condemned
of robbing the public; so Idomeneus states; but the best and chiefest men
of the city much resenting it, he was not only exempted from the fine imposed
upon him, but likewise again called to the same employment. Pretending
now to repent him of his former practice, and carrying himself with more
remissness, he became acceptable to such as pillaged the treasury by not
detecting or calling them to an exact account. So that those who had their
fill of the public money began highly to applaud Aristides, and sued to
the people making interest to have him once more chosen treasurer. But
when they were upon the point of election, he reproved the Athenians. "When
I discharged my office well and faithfully," said he, "I was insulted and
abused; but now that I have allowed the public thieves in a variety of
malpractices, I am considered an admirable patriot. I am more ashamed,
therefore, of this present honour than of the former sentence; and I commiserate
your condition, with whom it is more praiseworthy to oblige ill men than
to conserve the revenue of the public." Saying thus, and proceeding to
expose the thefts that had been committed, he stopped the mouths of those
who cried him up and vouched for him, but gained real and true commendations
from the best men.
When Datis, being sent by Darius under pretence of punishing the
Athenians for their burning of Sardis, but in reality to reduce the Greeks
under his dominion, landed at Marathon and laid waste the country, among
the ten commanders appointed by the Athenians for the war, Miltiades was
of the greatest name; but the second place, both for reputation and power,
was possessed by Aristides; and when his opinion to join battle was added
to that of Miltiades, it did much to incline the balance. Every leader
by his day having the command in chief, when it came to Aristides's turn
he delivered it into the hands of Miltiades, showing his fellow-officers
that it is not dishonourable to obey and follow wise and able men, but,
on the contrary, noble and prudent. So appeasing their rivalry, and bringing
them to acquiesce in one and the best advice, he confirmed Miltiades in
the strength of an undivided and unmolested authority. For now every one,
yielding his day of command, looked for orders only to him. During the
fight the main body of the Athenians being the hardest put to it, the barbarians,
for a long time, making opposition there against the tribes Leontis and
Antiochis, Themistocles and Aristides being ranged together fought valiantly;
the one being of the tribe Leontis, the other of the Antiochis. But after
they had beaten the barbarians back to their ships, and perceived that
they sailed not for the isles, but were driven in by the force of sea and
wind towards the country of Attica, fearing lest they should take the city,
unprovided of defence, they hurried away thither with nine tribes, and
reached it the same day. Aristides, being left with his tribe at Marathon
to guard the plunder and prisoners, did not disappoint the opinion they
had of him. Amidst the profusion of gold and silver, all sorts of apparel,
and other property, more than can be mentioned, that were in the tents
and the vessels which they had taken, he neither felt the desire to meddle
with anything himself, nor suffered others to do it; unless it might be
some who took away anything unknown to him; as Callias, the torch-bearer,
did. One of the barbarians, it seems, prostrated himself before this man,
supposing him to be a king by his hair and fillet; and, when he had so
done, taking him by the hand, showed him a great quantity of gold hid in
a ditch. But Callias, most cruel and impious of men, took away the treasure,
but slew the man, lest he should tell of him. Hence, they say, the comic
poets gave his family the name of Laccopluti, or enriched by the ditch,
alluding to the place where Callias found the gold. Aristides, immediately
after this, was archon; although Demetrius, the Phalerian, says he held
the office a little before he died after the battle of Plataea. But in
the records of the successors of Xanthippides, in whose year Mardonius
was overthrown at Plataea, amongst very many there mentioned, there is
not so much as one of the same name as Aristides; while immediately after
Phaenippus, during whose term of office they obtained the victory of Marathon,
Aristides is registered.
Of all his virtues, the common people were most affected with his
justice, because of its continual and common use; and thus, although of
mean fortune and ordinary birth, he possessed himself of the most kingly
and divine appellation of just: which kings, however, and tyrants have
never sought after; but have taken delight to be surnamed besiegers of
cities, thunderers, conquerors, or eagles again, and hawks; affecting,
it seems, the reputation which proceeds from power and violence, rather
than that of virtue. Although the divinity, to whom they desire to compare
and assimilate themselves, excels, it is supposed, in three things, immortality,
power, and virtue; of which three the noblest and divinest is virtue. For
the elements and vacuum have an everlasting existence; earthquakes, thunders,
storms, and torrents have great power; but in justice and equity nothing
participates except by means of reason and the knowledge of that which
is divine. And thus, taking the three varieties of feeling commonly entertained
towards the deity, the sense of his happiness, fear, and honour of him,
people would seem to think him blest and happy for his exemption from death
and corruption, to fear and dread him for his power and dominion, but to
love, honour, and adore him for his justice. Yet though thus disposed,
they covet that immortality which our nature is not capable of, and that
power the greatest part of which is at the disposal of fortune; but give
virtue, the only divine good really in our reach, the last place, most
unwisely; since justice makes the life of such as are in prosperity, power,
and authority the life of a god, and injustice turns it to that of a
beast.
Aristides, therefore, had at first the fortune to be beloved for
this surname, but at length envied. Especially when Themistocles spread
a rumour amongst the people that, by determining and judging all matters
privately, he had destroyed the courts of judicature, and was secretly
making way for a monarchy in his own person, without the assistance of
guards. Moreover the spirit of the people, now grown high, and confident
with their late victory, naturally entertained feelings of dislike to all
of more than common fame and reputation. Coming together, therefore, from
all parts into the city, they banished Aristides by the ostracism, giving
their jealousy of his reputation the name of fear of tyranny. For ostracism
was not the punishment of any criminal act, but was speciously said to
be the mere depression and humiliation of excessive greatness and power;
and was in fact a gentle relief and mitigation of envious feeling, which
was thus allowed to vent itself in inflicting no intolerable injury, only
a ten years' banishment. But after it came to be exercised upon base and
villainous fellows, they desisted from it; Hyperbolus being the last whom
they banished by the ostracism.
The cause of Hyperbolus's banishment is said to have been this.
Alcibiades and Nicias, men that bore the greatest sway in the city, were
of different factions. As the people, therefore, were about to vote the
ostracism, and obviously to decree it against one of them consulting together
and uniting their parties they contrived the banishment of Hyperbolus.
Upon which the people, being offended, as if some contempt or affront was
put upon the thing left off and quite abolished it. It was performed, to
be short, in this manner. Every one taking an ostracon, a sherd, that is,
or piece of earthenware, wrote upon it the citizen's name he would have
banished, and carried it to a certain part of the market-place surrounded
with wooden rails. First, the magistrates numbered all the sherds in gross
(for if there were less than six thousand, the ostracism was imperfect);
then, laying every name by itself, they pronounced him whose name was written
by the larger number banished for ten years, with the enjoyment of his
estate. As therefore, they were writing the names on the sherds, it is
reported that an illiterate clownish fellow, giving Aristides his sherd,
supposing him a common citizen, begged him to write Aristides upon it;
and he being surprised and asking if Aristides had ever done him any injury,
"None at all," said he, "neither know I the man; but I am tired of hearing
him everywhere called the just." Aristides, hearing this, is said to have
made no reply, but returned the sherd with his own name inscribed. At his
departure from the city, lifting up his hands to heaven, he made a prayer
(the reverse, it would seem, of that of Achilles), that the Athenians might
never have any occasion which should constrain them to remember
Aristides.
Nevertheless, three years after, when Xerxes marched through Thessaly
and Boeotia into the country of Attica, repealing the law, they decreed
the return of the banished: chiefly fearing Aristides, lest, joining himself
to the enemy, he should corrupt and bring over many of his fellow-citizens
to the party of the barbarians; much mistaking the man, who, already before
the decree, was exerting himself to excite and encourage the Greeks to
the defence of their liberty. And afterwards, when Themistocles was general
with absolute power, he assisted him in all ways both in action and counsel;
rendering, in consideration of the common security, the greatest enemy
he had the most glorious of men. For when Eurybiades was deliberating to
desert the isle of Salamis, and the galleys of the barbarians putting out
by night to sea surrounded and beset the narrow passage and islands, and
nobody was aware how they were environed, Aristides, with great hazard,
sailed from Aegina through the enemy's fleet; and coming by night to Themistocles's
tent and calling him out by himself; "if we have any discretion," said
he, "Themistocles, laying aside at this time our vain and childish contention,
let us enter upon a safe and honourable dispute, vying with each other
for the preservation of Greece; you in the ruling and commanding, I in
the subservient and advising part; even indeed, as I now understand you
to be alone adhering to the best advice, in counselling without any delay
to engage in the straits. And in this, though our own party oppose, the
enemy seems to assist you. For the sea behind, and all around us, is covered
with their fleet; so that we are under a necessity of approving ourselves
men of courage, and fighting whether we will or no; for there is no room
left us for flight." To which Themistocles answered, "I would not willingly,
Aristides, be overcome by you on this occasion; and shall endeavour, in
emulation of this good beginning, to outdo it in my actions." Also relating
to him the stratagem he had framed against the barbarians, he entreated
him to persuade Eurybiades and show him how it was impossible they should
save themselves without an engagement; as he was the more likely to be
believed. Whence, in the council of war, Cleocritus, the Corinthian, telling
Themistocles that Aristides did not like his advice as he was present and
said nothing, Aristides answered, That he should not have held his peace
if Themistocles had not been giving the best advice; and that he was now
silent not out of any good-will to the person, but in approbation of his
counsel.
Thus the Greek captains were employed. But Aristides perceiving
Psyttalea, a small island that lies within the straits over against Salamis,
to be filled by a body of the enemy, put aboard his small boats the most
forward and courageous of his countrymen, and went ashore upon it; and,
joining battle with the barbarians, slew them all, except such more remarkable
persons as were taken alive. Amongst these were three children of Sandauce,
the king's sister, whom he immediately sent away to Themistocles, and it
is stated that, in accordance with a certain oracle, they were by the command
of Euphrantides, the seer, sacrificed to Bacchus, called Omestes, or the
devourer. But Aristides, placing armed men all around the island, lay in
wait for such as were cast upon it, to the intent that none of his friends
should perish, nor any of his enemies escape. For the closest engagement
of the ships, and the main fury of the whole battle, seems to been about
this place; for which reason a trophy was erected in
Psyttalea.
After the fight, Themistocles, to sound Aristides, told him they
had performed a good piece of service, but there was a better yet to be
done, the keeping Asia in Europe, by sailing forthwith to the Hellespont
and cutting in sunder the bridge. But Aristides, with an exclamation, bid
him think no more of it, but deliberate and find out means for removing
the Mede, as quickly as possible, out of Greece; lest being enclosed, through
want of means to escape, necessity should compel him to force his way with
so great an army. So Themistocles once more despatched Arnaces, the eunuch,
his prisoner, giving him in command privately to advertise the king that
he had diverted the Greeks from their intention of setting sail for the
bridges, out of the desire he felt to preserve him.
Xerxes, being much terrified with this, immediately hasted to the
Hellespont. But Mardonius was left with the most serviceable part of the
army, about three hundred thousand men, and was a formidable enemy, confident
in his infantry and writing messages of defiance to the Greeks: "You have
overcome by sea men accustomed to fight on land, and unskilled at the oar;
but there lies now the open country of Thessaly; and the plains of Boeotia
offer a broad and worthy field for brave men, either horse or foot, to
contend in." But he sent privately to the Athenians, both by letter and
word of mouth from the king, promising to rebuild their city, to give them
a vast sum of money, and constitute them lords of all Greece, on condition
they were not engaged in the war. The Lacedaemonians, receiving news of
this, and fearing, despatched an embassy to the Athenians, entreating that
they would send their wives and children to Sparta, and receive support
from them for their superannuated. For, being despoiled both of their city
and country, the people were suffering extreme distress. Having given audience
to the ambassadors, they returned an answer, upon the motion of Aristides,
worthy of the highest admiration; declaring, that they forgave their enemies
if they thought all things purchasable by wealth, than which they knew
nothing of greater value; but that they felt offended at the Lacedaemonians
for looking only to their present poverty and exigence, without any remembrance
of their valour and magnanimity, offering them their victuals to fight
in the cause of Greece. Aristides, making this proposal and bringing back
the ambassadors into the assembly, charged them to tell the Lacedaemonians,
that all the treasure on the earth or under it was of less value with the
people of Athens than the liberty of Greece. And, showing the sun to those
who came from Mardonius, "As long as that retains the same course, so long,"
said he, "shall the citizens of Athens wage war with the Persians for the
country which has been wasted, and the temples that have been profaned
and burnt by them." Moreover, he proposed a decree that the priests should
anathematize him who sent any herald to the Medes, or deserted the alliance
of Greece.
When Mardonius made a second incursion into the country of Attica,
the people passed over again into the isle of Salamis. Aristides, being
sent to Lacedaemon, reproved them for their delay aid neglect in abandoning
Athens once more to the barbarians; and demanded their assistance for that
part of Greece which was not yet lost. The Ephori, hearing this, made show
of sporting all day, and of carelessly keeping holy day (for they were
then celebrating the Hyacinthian festival), but in the night, selecting
five thousand Spartans, each of whom was attended by seven Helots, they
sent them forth unknown to those from Athens. And when Aristides again
reprehended them, they told him in derision that he either doted or dreamed,
for the army was already at Oresteum, in their march towards the strangers,
as they called the Persians. Aristides answered that they jested unseasonably,
deluding their friends instead of their enemies. Thus says Idomeneus. But
in the decree of Aristides, not himself, but Cimon, Xanthippus, and Myronides
are appointed ambassadors.
Being chosen general for the war, he repaired to Plataea with eight
thousand Athenians, where Pausanias, generalissimo of all Greece, joined
him with the Spartans; and the forces of the other Greeks came into them.
The whole encampment of the barbarians extended all along the bank of the
river Asopus, their numbers being so great there was no enclosing them
all, but their baggage and most valuable things were surrounded with a
square bulwark, each side of which was the length of ten
furlongs.
Tisamenus, the Elean, had prophesied to Pausanias and all the Greeks,
and foretold them victory if they made no attempt upon the enemy, but stood
on their defence. But Aristides sending to Delphi, the god answered that
the Athenians should overcome their enemies in case they made supplication
to Jupiter and Juno of Cithaeron, Pan, and the nymphs Sphragitides, and
sacrificed to the heroes Androcrates, Leucon, Pisander, Damocrates, Hypsion,
Actaeon, and Polyidus; and if they fought within their own territories
in the plain of Ceres Eleusinia and Proserpine. Aristides was perplexed
upon the tidings of this oracle; since the heroes to whom it commanded
him to sacrifice had been chieftains of the Plataeans, and the cave of
the nymphs Sphragitides was on the top of Mount Cithaeron, on the side
facing the setting sun of summer time; in which place, as the story goes,
there was formerly an oracle, and many that lived in the district were
inspired with it, whom they called Nympholepti, possessed with the nymphs.
But the plain of Ceres Eleusinia, and the offer of victory to the Athenians,
if they fought in their own territories, recalled them again, and transferred
the war into the country of Attica. In this juncture, Arimnestus, who commanded
the Plataeans, dreamed that Jupiter, the Saviour, asked him what the Greeks
had resolved upon; and that he answered, "To-morrow, my Lord, we march
our army to Eleusis, and there give the barbarians battle according to
the directions of the oracle of Apollo." And that the god replied they
were utterly mistaken, for that the places spoken of by the oracle were
within the bounds of Plataea, and if they sought there they should find
them. This manifest vision having appeared to Arimnestus, when he awoke
he sent for the most aged and experienced of his countrymen, with whom,
communicating and examining the matter, he found that near Hysiae, at the
foot of Mount Cithaeron, there was a very ancient temple called the temple
of Ceres Eleusinia and Proserpine. He therefore forthwith took Aristides
to the place, which was very convenient for drawing up an army of foot,
because the slopes at the bottom of the mountain Cithaeron rendered the
plain, where it comes up to the temple, unfit for the movements of cavalry.
Also, in the same place, there was the fane of Androcrates, environed with
a thick shady grove. And that the oracle might be accomplished in all particulars
for the hope of victory, Arimnestus proposed, and the Plataeans decreed,
that the frontiers of their country towards Attica should be removed, and
the land given to the Athenians, that they might fight in defence of Greece
in their own proper territory. This zeal and liberality of the Plataeans
became so famous that Alexander, many years after, when he had obtained
the dominion of all Asia, upon erecting the walls of Plataea, caused proclamation
to be made, by the herald at the Olympic games, that the king did the Plataeans
this favour in consideration of their nobleness and magnanimity, because,
in the war with the Medes, they freely gave up their land and zealously
fought with the Greeks.
The Tegeatans, contesting the post of honour with the Athenians,
demanded that, according to custom, the Lacedaemonians being ranged on
the right wing of the battle, they might have the left, alleging several
matters in commendation of their ancestors. The Athenians being indignant
at the claim, Aristides came forward: "To contend with the Tegeatans,"
said he, "for noble descent and valour, the present time permits not; but
this we say to you, O you Spartans, and you the rest of the Greeks, that
place neither takes away nor contributes courage; we shall endeavour by
crediting and maintaining the post you assign us to reflect no dishonour
on our former performances. For we are come, not to differ with our friends,
but to fight our enemies; not to extol our ancestors, but ourselves to
behave as valiant men. This battle will manifest how much each city, captain,
and private soldier is worth to Greece." The council of war, upon this
address, decided for the Athenians, and gave them the other wing of the
battle.
All Greece being in suspense, and especially the affairs of the
Athenians unsettled, certain persons of great families and possessions
having been impoverished by the war, and seeing all their authority and
reputation in the city vanished with their wealth, and others in possession
of their honours and places, convened privately at a house in Plataea,
and conspired for the dissolution of the democratic government; and, if
the plot should not succeed, to ruin the cause and betray all to the barbarians.
These matters being in agitation in the camp, and many persons already
corrupted, Aristides, perceiving the design, and dreading the present juncture
of time, determined neither to let the business pass unanimadverted upon,
nor yet altogether to expose it; not knowing how many the accusation might
reach, and willing to set bounds to his justice with a view to the public
convenience. Therefore, of many that were concerned, he apprehended eight
only, two of whom, who were first proceeded against and most guilty, Aeschines
of Lampra and Agesias of Acharnae, made their escape out of the camp. The
rest he dismissed; giving opportunity to such as thought themselves concealed
to take courage and repent; intimating that they had in the war a great
tribunal, where they might clear their guilt by manifesting their sincere
and good intentions towards their country.
After this, Mardonius made trial of the Grecian courage, by sending
his whole number of horse, in which he thought himself much the stronger,
against them, while they were all pitched at the foot of Mount Cithaeron,
in strong and rocky places, except the Megarians. They, being three thousand
in number, were encamped on the plain, where they were damaged by the horse
charging and making inroads upon them on all hands. They sent, therefore,
in haste to Pausanias, demanding relief, as not being able alone to sustain
the great numbers of the barbarians. Pausanias, hearing this, and perceiving
the tents of the Megarians already hid by the multitude of darts and arrows,
and themselves driven together into a narrow space, was at a loss himself
how to aid them with his battalion of heavy-armed Lacedaemonians. He proposed
it, therefore, as a point of emulation in valour and love of distinction,
to the commanders and captains who were around him, if any would voluntarily
take upon them the defence and succour of the Megarians. The rest being
backward, Aristides undertook the enterprise for the Athenians, and sent
Olympiodorus, the most valiant of his inferior officers, with three hundred
chosen men and some archers under his command. These being soon in readiness,
and running upon the enemy, as soon as Masistius, who commanded the barbarians'
horse, a man of wonderful courage and of extraordinary bulk and comeliness
of person, perceived it, turning his steed he made towards them. And they
sustaining the shock and joining battle with him, there was a sharp conflict,
as though by this encounter they were to try the success of the whole war.
But after Masistius's horse received a wound and flung him, and he falling
could hardly raise himself through the weight of his armour, the Athenians,
pressing upon him with blows, could not easily get at his person, armed
as he was, his breast, his head, and his limbs all over, with gold and
brass and iron; but one of them at last, running him in at the visor of
his helmet, slew him; and the rest of the Persians, leaving the body, fled.
The greatness of the Greek success was known, not by the multitude of the
slain (for an inconsiderable number were killed), but by the sorrow the
barbarians expressed. For they shaved themselves, their horses, and mules
for the death of Masistius, and filled the plain with howling and lamentation;
having lost a person, who, next to Mardonius himself, was by many degrees
the chief among them, both for valour and authority.
After this skirmish of the horse, they kept from fighting a long
time; for the soothsayers, by the sacrifices, foretold the victory both
to Greeks and Persians, if they stood upon the defensive part only, but
if they became aggressors, the contrary. At length Mardonius, when he had
but a few days' provision, and the Greek forces increased continually by
some or other that came in to them, impatient of delay, determined to lie
still no longer, but passing Asopus by daybreak, to fall unexpectedly upon
the Greeks; and signified the same over night to the captains of his host.
But about midnight, a certain horseman stole into the Greek camp, and coming
to the watch, desired them to call Aristides, the Athenian, to him. He
coming speedily, "I am," said the stranger, "Alexander, king of the Macedonians,
and am arrived here through the greatest danger in the world for the goodwill
I bear you, lest a sudden onset should dismay you, so as to behave in the
fight worse than usual. For to-morrow Mardonius will give you battle, urged,
not by any hope of success or courage, but by want of victuals; since,
indeed, the prophets prohibit him the battle, the sacrifices and oracles
being unfavourable; and the army is in despondency and consternation; but
necessity forces him to try his fortune, or sit still and endure the last
extremity of want." Alexander, thus saying, entreated Aristides to take
notice and remember him, but not to tell any other. But he told him, it
was not convenient to conceal the matter from Pausanias (because he was
general); as for any other, he would keep it secret from them till the
battle was fought; but if the Greeks obtained the victory, that then no
one should be ignorant of Alexander's good-will and kindness towards them.
After this, the king of the Macedonians rode back again, and Aristides
went to Pausanias's tent and told him they sent for the rest of the captains
and gave orders that the army should be in battle array.
Here, according to Herodotus, Pausanias spoke to Aristides, desiring
him to transfer the Athenians to the right wing of the army opposite to
the Persians (as they would do better service against them, having been
experienced in their way of combat, and emboldened with former victories),
and to give him the left, where the Medizing Greeks were to make their
assault. The rest of the Athenian captains regarded this as an arrogant
and interfering act on the part of Pausanias; because, while permitting
the rest of the army to keep their stations, he removed them only from
place to place, like so many Helots, opposing them to the greatest strength
of the enemy. But Aristides said they were altogether in the wrong. If
so short a time ago they contested the left wing with the Tegeatans, and
gloried in being preferred before them, now, when the Lacedaemonians give
them place in the right, and yield them in a manner the leading of the
army, how is it they are discontented with the honour that is done them,
and do not look upon it as an advantage to have to fight, not against their
countrymen and kindred, but barbarians, and such as were by nature their
enemies? After this, the Athenians very readily changed places with the
Lacedaemonians, and there went words amongst them as they were encouraging
each other that the enemy approached with no better arms or stouter hearts
than those who fought the battle of Marathon; but had the same bows and
arrows, and the same embroidered coats and gold, and the same delicate
bodies and effeminate minds within; "While we have the same weapons and
bodies, and our courage augmented by our victories; and fight not like
others in defence of our country only, but for the trophies of Salamis
and Marathon; that they may not be looked upon as due to Miltiades or fortune,
but to the people of Athens." Thus, therefore, were they making haste to
change the order of their battle. But the Thebans, understanding it by
some deserters, forthwith acquainted Mardonius; and he, either for fear
of the Athenians, or a desire to engage the Lacedaemonians, marched over
his Persians to the other wing, and commanded the Greeks of his party to
be posted opposite to the Athenians. But this change was observed on the
other side, and Pausanias, wheeling about again, ranged himself on the
right, and Mardonius, also, as at first, took the left wing over against
the Lacedaemonians. So the day passed without action.
After this the Greeks determined in council to remove their camp
some distance, to possess themselves of a place convenient for watering;
because the springs near them were polluted and destroyed by the barbarian
cavalry. But night being come, and the captains setting out towards the
place designed for their camping, the soldiers were not very ready to follow,
and keep in a body, but, as soon as they had quitted their first entrenchments,
made towards the city of Plataea; and there was much tumult and disorder
as they dispersed to various quarters and proceeded to pitch their tents.
The Lacedaemonians, against their will, had the fortune to be left by the
rest. For Amompharetus, a brave and daring man, who had long been burning
with desire of the fight, and resented their many lingerings and delays,
calling the removal of the camp a mere running away and flight, protested
he would not desert his post, but would there remain with his company and
sustain the charge of Mardonius. And when Pausanias came to him and told
him he did do these things by the common vote and determination of the
Greeks, Amompharetus taking up a great stone and flinging it at Pausanias'
feet, and "By this token," said he, "do I give my suffrage for the battle,
nor have I any concern with the cowardly consultations and decrees of other
men." Pausanias, not knowing what to do in the present juncture, sent to
the Athenians, who were drawing off, to stay to accompany him; and so he
himself set off with the rest of the army for Plataea, hoping thus to make
Amompharetus move.
Meantime, day came upon them; and Mardonius (for he was not ignorant
of their deserting their camp), having his army in array, fell upon the
Lacedaemonians with great shouting and noise of barbarous people, as if
they were not about to join battle, but crush the Greeks in their flight.
Which within a very little came to pass. For Pausanias, perceiving what
was done, made a halt, and commanded every one to put themselves in order
for the battle; but either through his anger with Amompharetus, or the
disturbance he was in by reason of the sudden approach of the enemy, he
forgot to give the signal to the Greeks in general. Whence it was that
they did not come in immediately or in a body to their assistance, but
by small companies and straggling, when the fight was already begun. Pausanias,
offering sacrifice, could not procure favourable omens, and so commanded
the Lacedaemonians, setting down their shields at their feet, to abide
quietly and attend his directions, making no resistance to any of their
enemies. And he sacrificing again a second time, the horse charged, and
some of the Lacedaemonians were wounded. At this time, also, Callicrates,
who, we are told, was the most comely man in the army, being shot with
an arrow and upon the point of expiring, said that he lamented not his
death (for he came from home to lay down his life in the defence of Greece),
but that he died without action. The case was indeed hard, and the forbearance
of the men wonderful; for they let the enemy charge without repelling them;
and, expecting their proper opportunity from the gods and their general,
suffered themselves to be wounded and slain in their ranks. And some say,
that while Pausanias was at sacrifice and prayers, some space out of the
battle array, certain Lydians, falling suddenly upon him, plundered and
scattered the sacrifice: and that Pausanias and his company, having no
arms, beat them with staves and whips; and that, in imitation of this attack,
the whipping the boys about the altar, and after it the Lydian procession,
are to this day practised in Sparta.
Pausanias, therefore, being troubled at these things, while the
priests went on offering one sacrifice after another, turns himself towards
the temple with tears in his eyes, and lifting up his hands to heaven besought
Juno of Cithaeron, and the other tutelar gods of the Plataeans, if it were
not in the fates for the Greeks to obtain the victory, that they might
not perish without performing some remarkable thing, and by their actions
demonstrating to their enemies that they waged war with men of courage
and soldiers. While Pausanias was thus in the act of supplication, the
sacrifices appeared propitious, and the soothsayers foretold victory. The
word being given, the Lacedaemonian battalion of foot seemed, on the sudden,
like some one fierce animal, setting up his bristles, and betaking himself
to the combat; and the barbarians perceived that they encountered with
men who would fight it to the death. Therefore, holding their wicker-shields
before them, they shot their arrows amongst the Lacedaemonians. But they,
keeping together in the order of a phalanx, and falling upon the enemies,
forced their shields out of their hands, and, striking with their pikes
at the breasts and faces of the Persians, overthrew many of them, who,
however, fell not either unrevenged or without courage. For taking hold
of the spears with their bare hands, they broke many of them, and betook
themselves not without effect to the sword; and making use of their falchions
and scimitars, and wresting the Lacedaemonians' shields from them, and
grappling with them, it was a long time that they made
resistance.
Meanwhile, for some time, the Athenians stood still, waiting for
the Lacedaemonians to come up. But when they heard much noise as of men
engaged in fight, and a messenger, they say, came from Pausanias, to advertise
them of what was going on, they soon hasted to their assistance. And as
they passed through the plain to the place where the noise was, the Greeks,
who took part with the enemy, came upon them. Aristides, as soon as he
saw them, going a considerable space before the rest, cried out to them,
conjuring them by the guardian gods of Greece to forbear the fight, and
be no impediment or stop to those who were going to succour the defenders
of Greece. But when he perceived they gave no attention to him, and had
prepared themselves for the battle, then turning from the present relief
of the Lacedaemonians, he engaged them, being five thousand in number.
But the greatest part soon gave way and retreated, as the barbarians also
were put to flight. The sharpest conflict is said to have been against
the Thebans, the chiefest and most powerful persons among them at that
time siding zealously with the Medes, and leading the multitude not according
to their own inclination, but as being subjects of an
oligarchy.
The battle being thus divided, the Lacedaemonians first beat off
the Persians; and a Spartan, named Arimnestus, slew Mardonius by a blow
on the head with a stone, as the oracle in the temple of Amphiaraus had
foretold to him. For Mardonius sent a Lydian thither, and another person,
a Carian, to the cave of Trophonius. This latter the priest of the oracle
answered in his own language. But the Lydian sleeping in the temple of
Amphiaraus, it seemed to him that a minister of the divinity stood before
him and commanded him to be gone; and on his refusing to do it, flung a
great stone at his head, so that he thought himself slain with the blow.
Such is the story. -They drove the fliers within their walls of wood; and,
a little time after, the Athenians put the Thebans to flight, killing three
hundred of the chiefest and of greatest note among them in the actual fight
itself. For when they began to fly, news came that the army of the barbarians
was besieged within their palisade; and so giving the Greeks opportunity
to save themselves, they marched to assist at the fortifications; and coming
in to the Lacedaemonians, who were altogether unhandy and unexperienced
in storming, they took the camp with great slaughter of the enemy. For
of three hundred thousand, forty thousand only are said to have escaped
with Artabazus; while on the Greeks' side there perished in all thirteen
hundred and sixty; of which fifty-two were Athenians, all of the tribe
Aeantis, that fought, says Clidemus, with the greatest courage of any;
and for this reason the men of this tribe used to offer sacrifice for the
victory, as enjoined by the oracle, to the nymphs Sphragitides at the expense
of the public; ninety-one were Lacedaemonians, and sixteen Tegeatans. It
is strange, therefore, upon what grounds Herodotus can say, that they only,
and none other, encountered the enemy, for the number of the slain and
their monuments testify that the victory was obtained by all in general;
and if the rest had been standing still, while the inhabitants of three
cities only had been engaged in the fight, they would not have set on the
altar the inscription-
"The Greeks, when, by their courage and their
might,
They had repelled the Persian in the fight,
The common altar of freed Greece to be,
Reared this to Jupiter who guards the free."
They fought this battle on the fourth day of the month Boedromion,
according to the Athenians, but according to the Boeotians, on the twenty-seventh
of Panemus;- on which day there is still a convention of the Greeks at
Plataea, and the Plataeans still offer sacrifice for the victory to Jupiter
of freedom. As for the difference of days, it is not to be wondered at,
since even at the present time, when there is a far more accurate knowledge
of astronomy, some begin the month at one time, and some at
another.
After this, the Athenians not yielding the honour of the day to
the Lacedaemonians, nor consenting they should erect a trophy, things were
not far from being ruined by dissension among the armed Greeks; had not
Aristides, by much soothing and counselling the commanders, especially
Leocrates and Myronides, pacified and persuaded them to leave the thing
to the decision of the Greeks. And on their proceeding to discuss the matter,
Theogiton, the Megarian, declared the honour of the victory was to be given
some other city, if they would prevent a civil war; after him Cleocritus
of Corinth rising up, made people think he would ask the palm for the Corinthians
(for next to Sparta and Athens, Corinth was in greatest estimation); but
he delivered his opinion, to the general admiration, in favour of the Plataeans;
and counselled to take away all contention by giving them the reward and
glory of the victory, whose being honoured could be distasteful to neither
party. This being said, first Aristides gave consent in the name of the
Athenians, and Pausanias, then, for the Lacedaemonians. So, being reconciled,
they set apart eighty talents for the Plataeans, with which they built
the temple and dedicated the image to Minerva, and adorned the temple with
pictures, which even to this very day retain their lustre. But the Lacedaemonians
and Athenians each erected a trophy apart by themselves. On their consulting
the oracle about offering sacrifice, Apollo answered that they should dedicate
an altar to Jupiter of freedom, but should not sacrifice till they had
extinguished the fires throughout the country, as having been defiled by
the barbarians, and had kindled unpolluted fire at the common altar at
Delphi. The magistrates of Greece, therefore, went forthwith and compelled
such as had fire to put it out; and Euchidas, a Plataean, promising to
fetch fire, with all possible speed, from the altar of the god, went to
Delphi, and having sprinkled and purified his body crowned himself with
laurel; and taking the fire from the altar ran back to Plataea, and got
back there before sunset, performing in one day a journey of a thousand
furlongs; and saluting his fellow-citizens and delivering them the fire,
he immediately fell down, and in a short time after expired. But the Plataeans,
taking him up, interred him in the temple of Diana Euclia, setting this
inscription over him: "Euchidas ran to Delphi and back again in one day."
Most people believe that Euclia is Diana, and call her by that name. But
some say she was the daughter of Hercules, by Myrto, the daughter of Menoetius,
and sister of Patroclus, and dying a virgin, was worshipped by the Boeotians
and Locrians. Her altar and image are set up in all their market-places,
and those of both sexes that are about marrying sacrifice to her before
the nuptials.
A general assembly of all the Greeks being called, Aristides proposed
a decree that the deputies and religious representatives of the Greek states
should assemble annually at Plataea, and every fifth year celebrate the
Eleutheria or games of freedom. And that there should be a levy upon all
Greece for the war against the barbarians of ten thousand spearmen, one
thousand horse, and a hundred sail of ships; but the Plataeans to be exempt,
and sacred to the service of the gods, offering sacrifice for the welfare
of Greece. These things being ratified, the Plataeans undertook the performance
of annual sacrifice to such as were slain and buried in that place; which
they still perform in the following manner. On the sixteenth day of Maemacterion
(which with the Boeotians is Alalcomenus) they make their procession, which,
beginning by break of day, is led by a trumpeter sounding for onset; then
follow certain chariots loaded with myrrh and garlands; and then a black
bull; then come the young men of free birth carrying libations of wine
and milk in large two-handed vessels, and jars of oil and precious ointments,
none of servile condition being permitted to have any hand in this ministration,
because the men died in defence of freedom; after all comes the chief magistrate
of Plataea (for whom it is unlawful at other times either to touch iron
or wear any other coloured garment but white), at that time apparelled
in a purple robe; and, taking a water-pot out of the city record-office,
he proceeds, bearing a sword in his hand, through the middle of the town
to the sepulchres. Then drawing water out of a spring, he washes and anoints
the monuments, and sacrificing the bull upon a pile of wood, and making
supplication to Jupiter and Mercury of the earth, invites those valiant
men who perished in the defence of Greece to the banquet and the libations
of blood. After this, mixing a bowl of wine, and pouring out for himself,
he says, "I drink to those who lost their lives for the liberty of Greece."
These solemnities the Plataeans observe to this day.
Aristides perceived that the Athenians, after their return into
the city, were eager for a democracy; and deeming the people to deserve
consideration on account of their valiant behaviour, as also that it was
a matter of difficulty, they being well armed, powerful, and full of spirit
with their victories, to oppose them by force, he brought forward a decree
that every one might share in the government and the archons be chosen
out of the whole body of the Athenians. And on Themistocles telling the
people in assembly that he had some advice for them, which could not be
given in public, but was most important for the advantage and security
of the city, they appointed Aristides alone to hear and consider it with
him. And on his acquainting Aristides that his intent was to set fire to
the arsenal of the Greeks, for by that means should the Athenians become
supreme masters of all Greece, Aristides, returning to the assembly, told
them that nothing was more advantageous than what Themistocles designed,
and nothing more unjust. The Athenians, hearing this, gave Themistocles
order to desist; such was the love of justice felt by the people, and such
the credit and confidence they reposed in Aristides.
Being sent in joint commission with Cimon to the war, he took notice
that Pausanias and the other Spartan captains made themselves offensive
by imperiousness and harshness to the confederates; and by being himself
gentle and considerate with them, and by the courtesy and disinterested
temper which Cimon, after his example, manifested in the expeditions, he
stole away the chief command from the Lacedaemonians, neither by weapons,
ships, or horses, but by equity and wise policy. For the Athenians being
endeared to the Greeks by the justice of Aristides and by Cimon's moderation,
the tyranny and selfishness of Pausanias rendered them yet more desirable.
He on all occasions treated the commanders of the confederates haughtily
and roughly; and the common soldiers he punished with stripes, or standing
under the iron anchor for a whole day together; neither was it permitted
for any to provide straw for themselves to lie on, or forage for their
horses, or to come near the springs to water before the Spartans were furnished,
but servants with whips drove away such as approached. And when Aristides
once was about to complain and expostulate with Pausanias, he told him
with an angry look that he was not at leisure, and gave no attention to
him. The consequence was that the sea captains and generals of the Greeks,
in particular, the Chians, Samians, and Lesbians, came to Aristides and
requested him to be their general, and to receive the confederates into
his command, who had long desired to relinquish the Spartans and come over
to the Athenians. But he answered that he saw both equity and necessity
in what they said, but their fidelity required the test of some action,
the commission of which would make it impossible for the multitude to change
their minds again. Upon which Uliades, the Samian, and Antagoras of Chios,
conspiring together, ran in near Byzantium on Pausanias's galley, getting
her between them as she was sailing before the rest. But when Pausanias,
beholding them, arose up and furiously threatened soon to make them know
that they had been endangering not his galley, but their own countries,
they bid him go his way, and thank Fortune that fought for him at Plataea;
for hitherto, in reverence to that, the Greeks had forborne from inflicting
on him the punishment he deserved. In fine, they all went off and joined
the Athenians. And here the magnanimity of the Lacedaemonians was wonderful.
For when they perceived that their generals were becoming corrupted by
the greatness of their authority, they voluntarily laid down the chief
command, and left off sending any more of them to the wars, choosing rather
to have citizens of moderation and consistent in the observance of their
customs, than to possess the dominion of all Greece.
Even during the command of the Lacedaemonians, the Greeks paid
a certain contribution towards the maintenance of the war; and being desirous
to be rated city by city in their due proportion, they desired Aristides
of the Athenians, and gave him command, surveying the country and revenue,
to assess every one according to their ability and what they were worth.
But he, being so largely empowered, Greece as it were submitting all her
affairs to his sole management, went out poor and returned poorer; laying
the tax not only without corruption and injustice, but to the satisfaction
and convenience of all. For as the ancients celebrated the age of Saturn,
so did the confederates of Athens Aristides's taxation, terming it the
happy time of Greece; and that more especially, as the sum was in a short
time doubled, and afterwards trebled. For the assessment which Aristides
made was four hundred and sixty talents. But to this Pericles added very
near one third part more; for Thucydides says that in the beginning of
the Peloponnesian war the Athenians had coming in from their confederates
six hundred talents. But after Pericles's death. the demagogues, increasing
by little and little, raised it to the sum of thirteen hundred talents;
not so much through the war's being so expensive and changeable either
by its length or ill success, as by their alluring the people to spend
upon largesses and playhouse allowances, and in erecting statues and temples.
Aristides, therefore, having acquired a wonderful and great reputation
by this levy of the tribute, Themistocles is said to have derided him,
as if this had been not the commendation of a man, but a money-bag; a retaliation,
though not in the same kind for some free words which Aristides had used.
For he, when Themistocles once was saying that he thought the highest virtue
of a general was to understand and foreknow the measures the enemy would
take, replied, "This, indeed, Themistocles, is simply necessary, but the
excellent thing in a general is to keep his hands from taking
money."
Aristides, moreover, made all the people of Greece swear to keep
the league, and himself took the oath in the name of the Athenians, flinging
wedges of red-hot iron into the sea, after curses against such as should
make breach of their vow. But afterwards, it would seem, when things were
in such a state as constrained them to govern with a stronger hand, he
bade the Athenians to throw the perjury upon him, and manage affairs as
convenience required. And, in general, Theophrastus tells us, that Aristides
was, in his own private affairs, and those of his fellow-citizens, rigorously
just, but that in public matters he acted often in accordance with his
country's policy, which demanded, sometimes, not a little injustice. It
is reported of him that he said in a debate, upon the motion of the Samians
for removing the treasure from Delos to Athens, contrary to the league,
that the thing indeed was not just but was expedient.
In fine, having established the dominion of his city over so many
people, he himself remained indigent; and always delighted as much in the
glory of being poor, as in that of his trophies; as is evident from the
following story. Callias, the torch-bearer, was related to him; and was
prosecuted by his enemies in a capital cause, in which, after they had
slightly argued the matters on which they indicted him, they proceeded,
besides the point, to address the judges: "You know," said they, "Aristides,
the son of Lysimachus, who is the admiration of all Greece. In what a condition
do you think his family is in at his house, when you see him appear in
public in such a threadbare cloak? Is it not probable that one who, out
of doors, goes thus exposed to the cold, must want food and other necessaries
at home? Callias, the wealthiest of the Athenians, does nothing to relieve
either him or his wife and children in their poverty, though he is his
own cousin, and has made use of him in many cases, and often reaped advantage
by his interest with you." But Callias, perceiving the judges were moved
more particularly by this, and were exasperated against him, called in
Aristides, requiring him to testify that when he frequently offered him
divers presents, and entreated him to accept them, he had refused, answering
that it became him better to be proud of his poverty than Callias of his
wealth; since there are many to be seen that make a good or bad use of
riches, but it is difficult, comparatively, to meet with one who supports
poverty in a noble spirit; those only should be ashamed of it who incurred
it against their wills. On Aristides deposing these facts in favour of
Callias, there was none who heard them that went not away desirous rather
to be poor like Aristides than rich as Callias. Thus Aeschines, the scholar
of Socrates, writes. But Plato declares that, of all the great renowned
men in the city of Athens, he was the only one worthy of consideration;
for Themistocles, Cimon, and Pericles filled the city with porticoes, treasure,
and many other vain things, but Aristides guided his public life by the
rule of justice. He showed his moderation very plainly in his conduct towards
Themistocles himself. For though Themistocles had been his adversary in
all his undertakings, and was the cause of his banishment, yet when he
afforded a similar opportunity of revenge, being accused to the city, Aristides
bore him no malice; but while Alcmaeon, Cimon, and many others were prosecuting
and impeaching him, Aristides alone neither did nor said any ill against
him, and no more triumphed over his enemy in his adversity than he had
envied him his prosperity.
Some say Aristides died in Pontus, during a voyage upon the affairs
of the public. Others that he died of old age at Athens being in great
honour and veneration amongst his fellow-citizens. But Craterus, the Macedonian,
relates his death as follows. After the banishment of Themistocles, he
says, the people growing insolent, there sprung up a number of false and
frivolous accusers, impeaching the best and most influential men and exposing
them to the envy of the multitude, whom their good fortune and power had
filled with self-conceit. Amongst these, Aristides was condemned of bribery
upon the accusation of Diophantus of Amphitrope, for taking money from
the Ionians when he was collector of the tribute; and being unable to pay
the fine, which was fifty minae, sailed to Ionia, and died there. But of
this Craterus brings no written proof, neither the sentence of his condemnation,
nor the decree of the people; though in general it is tolerably usual with
him to set down such things and to cite his authors. Almost all others
who have spoken of the misdeeds of the people towards their generals collect
them all together, and tell us of the banishment of Themistocles, Miltiades's
bonds, Pericles's fine, and the death of Paches in the judgment-hall, who,
upon receiving sentence, killed himself on the hustings, with many things
of the like nature. They add the banishment of Aristides; but of this his
condemnation they make no mention.
Moreover, his monument is to be seen at Phalerum, which they say
was built him by the city, he not having left enough even to defray funeral
charges. And it is stated that his two daughters were publicly married
out of the prytaneum, or state-house, by the city, which decreed each of
them three thousand drachmas for her portion; and that upon his son Lysimachus
the people bestowed a hundred minas of money, and as many acres of planted
land, and ordered him besides, upon the motion of Alcibiades, four drachmas
a day. Furthermore, Lysimachus leaving a daughter, named Polycrite, as
Callisthenes says, the people voted her, also, the same allowance for food
with those that obtained the victory in the Olympic Games. But Demetrius
the Phalerian, Hieronymus the Rhodian, Aristoxenus the musician, and Aristotle
(if the Treatise of Nobility is to be reckoned among the genuine pieces
of Aristotle) say that Myrto, Aristides's granddaughter, lived with Socrates
the philosopher, who indeed had another wife, but took her into his house,
being a widow, by reason of her indigence and want of the necessaries of
life. But Panaetius sufficiently confutes this in his book concerning Socrates.
Demetrius the Phalerian, in his Socrates, says he knew one Lysimachus,
son to the daughter of Aristides, extremely poor, who used to sit near
what is called the Iaccheum, and sustained himself by a table for interpreting
dreams; and that, upon his proposal and representations, a decree was passed
by the people to give the mother and aunt of this man half a drachma a
day. The same Demetrius, when he was legislating himself, decreed each
of these women a drachma per diem. And it is not to be wondered at, that
the people of Athens should take such care of people living in the city,
since hearing the granddaughter of Aristogiton was in a low condition in
the isle of Lemnos, and so poor nobody would marry her, they brought her
back to Athens, and marrying her to a man of good birth, gave a farm at
Potamus as her marriage-portion; and of similar humanity and bounty the
city of Athens, even in our age, has given numerous proofs, and is justly
admired and respected in consequence.
THE END
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