Plutarch
46-119 A.C.E - Wrote in Greek
Sertorius
Written 75 A.C.E.
Translated by John Dryden
Sertorius
(legendary, died 72 B.C.E.)
By Plutarch
IT is no great wonder if in long process of time, while fortune takes her
course hither and thither, numerous coincidences should spontaneously occur.
If the number and variety of subjects to be wrought upon be infinite, it
is all the more easy for fortune, with such an abundance of material, to
effect this similarity of results. Or if, on the other hand, events are
limited to the combinations of some finite number, then of necessity the
same must often recur, and in the same sequence. There are people who take
a pleasure in making collections of all such fortuitous occurrences that
they have heard or read of, as look like works of a rational power and
design; they observe, for example, that two eminent persons whose names
were Attis, the one a Syrian, the other of Arcadia, were both slain by
a wild boar; that of two whose names were Actaeon, the one was torn in
pieces by his dogs, the other by his lovers; that of two famous Scipios,
the one overthrew the Carthaginians in war, the other totally ruined and
destroyed them; the city of Troy was the first time taken by Hercules for
the horses promised him by Laomedon, the second time by Agamemnon, by means
of the celebrated great wooden horse, and the third time by Charidemus,
by occasion of a horse falling down at the gate, which hindered the Trojans,
so that they could not shut them soon enough; and of two cities which take
their names from the most agreeable odoriferous plants, Ios and Smyrna,
the one from a violet, the other from myrrh, the poet Homer is reported
to have been born in the one and to have died in the other. And so to these
instances let us further add, that the most warlike commanders, and most
remarkable for exploits of skilful stratagem, have had but one eye; as
Philip, Antigonus, Hannibal, and Sertorius, whose life and actions we describe
at present; of whom, indeed, we might truly say, that he was more continent
than Philip, more faithful to his friends than Antigonus, and more merciful
to his enemies than Hannibal; and that for prudence and judgment he gave
place to none of them, but in fortune was inferior to them all. Yet though
he had continually in her a far more difficult adversary to contend against
than his open enemies, he nevertheless maintained his ground, with the
military skill of Metellus, the boldness of Pompey, the success of Sylla,
and the power of the Roman people, all to be encountered by one who was
a banished man and a stranger at the head of a body of barbarians. Among
Greek commanders, Eumenes of Cardia may be best compared with him; they
were both of them men born for command, for warfare, and for stratagem;
both banished from their countries, and holding command over strangers;
both had fortune for their adversary, in their last days so harshly so,
that they were both betrayed and murdered by those who served them, and
with whom they had formerly overcome their enemies.
Quintus Sertorius was of a noble family, born in the city of Nursia,
in the country of the Sabines; his father died when he was young, and he
was carefully and decently educated by his mother, whose name was Rhea,
and whom he appears to have extremely loved and honoured. He paid some
attention to the study of oratory and pleading in his youth, and acquired
some reputation and influence in Rome by his eloquence; but the splendour
of his actions in arms, and his successful achievements in the wars, drew
off his ambition in that direction.
At his first beginning, he served under Caepio, when the Cimbri
and Teutones invaded Gaul; where the Romans fighting unsuccessfully, and
being put to flight, he was wounded in many parts of his body, and lost
his horse, yet, nevertheless, swam across the river Rhone in his armour,
with his breastplate and shield, bearing himself up against the violence
of the current; so strong and so well inured to hardship was his
body.
The second time that the Cimbri and Teutones came down with some
hundreds of thousands, threatening death and destruction to all, when it
was no small piece of service for a Roman soldier to keep his ranks and
obey his commander, Sertorius undertook, while Marius led the army, to
spy out the enemy's camp. Procuring a Celtic dress, and acquainting himself
with the ordinary expressions of their language requisite for common intercourse,
he threw himself in amongst the barbarians; where having carefully seen
with his own eyes, or having been fully informed by persons upon the place
of all their most important concerns, he returned to Marius, from whose
hands he received the rewards of valour; and afterwards giving frequent
proof both of conduct and courage in all the following war, he was advanced
to places of honour and trust under his general. After the wars with the
Cimbri and Teutones, he was sent into Spain, having the command of a thousand
men under Didius, the Roman general, and wintered in the country of the
Celtiberians, in the city of Castulo, where the soldiers enjoying great
plenty, and growing insolent and continually drinking, the inhabitants
despised them and sent for aid by night to the Gyrisoenians, their near
neighbours, who fell upon the Romans in their lodgings and slew a great
number of them. Sertorius, with a few of his soldiers, made his way out,
and rallying together the rest who escaped, he marched round about the
walls, and finding the gate open, by which the Gyrisoenians had made their
secret entrance, he gave not them the same opportunity, but placing a guard
at the gate, and seizing upon all quarters of the city, he slew all who
were of age to bear arms, and then ordering his soldiers to lay aside their
weapons and put off their own clothes, and put on the accoutrements of
the barbarians, he commanded them to follow him to the city from whence
the men came who had made this night attack upon the Romans. And thus deceiving
the Gyrisoenians with the sight of their own armour, he found the gates
of their city open, and took a great number prisoners, who came out thinking
to meet their friends and fellow-citizens come home from a successful expedition.
Most of them were thus slain by the Romans at their own gates, and the
rest within yielded up themselves and were sold for
slaves.
This action made Sertorius highly renowned throughout all Spain,
and as soon as be returned to Rome he was appointed quaestor of Cisalpine
Gaul, at a very seasonable moment for his country, the Marsian war being
on the point of breaking out. Sertorius was ordered to raise soldiers and
provide arms, which he performed with a diligence and alacrity, so contrasting
with the feebleness and slothfulness of other officers of his age, that
he got the repute of a man whose life would be one of action. Nor did he
relinquish the part of a soldier, now that he had arrived at the dignity
of a commander, but performed wonders with his own hands, and never sparing
himself, but exposing his body freely in all conflicts, he lost one of
his eyes. This he always esteemed an honour to him; observing that others
do not continually carry about with them the marks and testimonies of their
valour, but must often lay aside their chains of gold, their spears and
crowns; whereas his ensigns of honour, and the manifestations of his courage,
always remained with him, and those who beheld his misfortune must at the
same time recognize his merits. The people also paid him the respect he
deserved, and when he came into the theatre, received him with plaudits
and joyful acclamations, an honour rarely bestowed even on persons of advanced
standing and established reputation. Yet, notwithstanding this popularity,
when he stood to be tribune of the people, he was disappointed, and lost
the place, being opposed by the party of Sylla, which seems to have been
the principal cause of his subsequent enmity to Sylla.
After that Marius was overcome by Sylla and fled into Africa, and
Sylla had left Italy to go to the wars against Mithridates, and of the
two consuls Octavius and Cinna, Octavius remained steadfast to the policy
of Sylla, but Cinna, desirous of a new revolution, attempted to recall
the lost interest of Marius, Sertorius joined Cinna's party, more particularly
as he saw that Octavius was not very capable, and was also suspicious of
any one that was a friend to Marius. When a great battle was fought between
the two consuls in the forum, Octavius overcame, and Cinna and Sertorius,
having lost not less than ten thousand men, left the city, and gaining
over most part of the troops who were dispersed about and remained still
in many parts of Italy, they in a short time mustered up a force against
Octavius sufficient to give him battle again, and Marius, also, now coming
by sea out of Africa, proffered himself to serve under Cinna, as a private
soldier under his consul and commander.
Most were for the immediate reception of Marius, but Sertorius
openly declared against it, whether he thought that Cinna would not now
pay as much attention to himself, when a man of higher military repute
was present, or feared that the violence of Marius would bring all things
to confusion, by his boundless wrath and vengeance after victory. He insisted
upon it with Cinna that they were already victorious, that there remained
little to be done, and that if they admitted Marius, he would deprive them
of the glory and advantage of the war, as there was no man less easy to
deal with, or less to be trusted in, as a partner in power. Cinna answered,
that Sertorius rightly judged the affair, but that he himself was at a
loss, and ashamed, and knew not how to reject him, after he had sent for
him to share in his fortunes. To which Sertorius immediately replied, that
he had thought that Marius came into Italy of his own accord, and therefore
had deliberated as to what might be most expedient, but that Cinna ought
not so much as to have questioned whether he should accept him whom he
had already invited, but should have honourably received and employed him,
for his word once passed left no room for debate. Thus Marius being sent
for by Cinna, and their forces being divided into three parts, under Cinna,
Marius, and Sertorius, the war was brought to a successful conclusion;
but those about Cinna and Marius committing all manner of insolence and
cruelty, made the Romans think the evils of war a golden time in comparison.
On the contrary, it is reported of Sertorius that he never slew any man
in his anger to satisfy his own private revenge, nor ever insulted over
any one whom he had overcome, but was much offended with Marius, and often
privately entreated Cinna to use his power more moderately. And in the
end, when the slaves whom Marius had freed at his landing to increase his
army, being made not only his fellow-soldiers in the war, but also now
his guard in his usurpation, enriched and powerful by his favour, either
by the command or permission of Marius, or by their own lawless violence,
committed all sorts of crimes, killed their masters, ravished their masters'
wives and abused their children, their conduct appeared so intolerable
to Sertorius that he slew the whole body of them, four thousand in number,
commanding his soldiers to shoot them down with their javelins, as they
lay encamped together.
Afterwards when Marius died, and Cinna shortly after was slain,
when the younger Marius made himself consul against Sertorius's wishes
and contrary to law, when Carbo, Norbanus, and Scipio fought unsuccessfully
against Sylla, now advancing to Rome, when much was lost by the cowardice
and remissness of the commanders, but more by the treachery of their party,
when with the want of prudence in the chief leaders, all went so ill that
his presence could do no good, in the end when Sylla had placed his camp
near to Scipio, and by pretending friendship, and putting him in hopes
of a peace, corrupted his army, and Scipio could not be made sensible of
this, although often forewarned of it by Sertorius- at last he utterly
despaired of Rome, and hasted into Spain, that by taking possession there
beforehand, he might secure a refuge to his friends from their misfortunes
at home. Having bad weather in his journey, and travelling through mountainous
countries, and the inhabitants stopping the way, and demanding a toll and
money for passage, those who were with him were out of all patience at
the indignity and shame it would be for a proconsul of Rome to pay tribute
to a crew of wretched barbarians. But he little regarded their censure,
and slighting that which had only the appearance of an indecency, told
them he must buy time, the most precious of all things to those who go
upon great enterprises; and pacifying the barbarous people with money,
he hastened his journey, and took possession of Spain, a country flourishing
and populous, abounding with young men fit to bear arms; but on account
of the insolence and covetousness of the governors from time to time sent
thither from Rome they had generally an aversion to Roman supremacy. He,
however, soon gained the affection of their nobles by intercourse with
them, and the good opinion of the people by remitting their taxes. But
that which won him most popularity was his exempting them from finding
lodgings for the soldiers, when he commanded his army to take up their
winter quarters outside the cities, and to pitch their camp in the suburbs;
and when he himself, first of all, caused his own tent to be raised without
the walls. Yet not being willing to rely totally upon the good inclination
of the inhabitants he armed all the Romans who lived in those countries
that were of military age, and undertook the building of ships and the
making of all sorts of warlike engines, by which means he kept the cities
in due obedience, showing himself gentle in all peaceful business, and
at the same time formidable to his enemies by his great preparations for
war.
As soon as he was informed that Sylla had made himself master of
Rome, and that the party which sided with Marius and Carbo was going to
destruction, he expected that some commander with a considerable army would
speedily come against him, and therefore sent away Julius Salinator immediately,
with six thousand men fully armed, to fortify and defend the passes of
the Pyrenees. And Caius Annius not long after being sent out by Sylla,
finding Julius unassailable, sat down short at the foot of the mountains
in perplexity. But a certain Calpurnius, surnamed Lanarius, having treacherously
slain Julius, and his soldiers then forsaking the heights of the Pyrenees,
Caius Annius advanced with large numbers and drove before him all who endeavoured
to hinder his march. Sertorius, also, not being strong enough to give him
battle, retreated with three thousand men into New Carthage, where he took
shipping, and crossed the seas into Africa. And coming near the coast of
Mauritania, his men went on shore to water, and straggling about negligently,
the natives fell upon them and slew a great number. This new misfortune
forced him to sail back again into Spain, whence he was also repulsed,
and, some Cilician private ships joining with him, they made for the island
of Pityussa, where they landed and overpowered the garrison placed there
by Annius, who, however, came not long after with a great fleet of ships
and five thousand soldiers. And Sertorius made ready to fight him by sea,
although his ships were not built for strength, but for lightness and swift
sailing; but a violent west wind raised such a sea that many of them were
run aground and shipwrecked, and he himself, with a few vessels, being
kept from putting further out to sea by the fury of the weather, and from
landing by the power of his enemies, were tossed about painfully for ten
days together, amidst the boisterous and adverse waves.
He escaped with difficulty, and after the wind ceased, ran for
certain desert islands scattered in those seas, affording no water, and
after passing a night there, making out to sea again, he went through the
straits of Cadiz, and sailing outward, keeping the Spanish shore on his
right hand, landed a little above the mouth of the river Baetis, where
it falls into the Atlantic Sea, and gives the name to that part of Spain.
Here he met with seamen recently arrived from the Atlantic islands, two
in number, divided from one another only by a narrow channel, and distant
from the coast of Africa ten thousand furlongs. These are called the Islands
of the Blest; rain falls there seldom, and in moderate showers, but for
the most part they have gentle breezes, bringing along with them soft dews,
which render the soil not only rich for ploughing and planting, but so
abundantly fruitful that it produces spontaneously an abundance of delicate
fruits, sufficient to feed the inhabitants, who may here enjoy all things
without trouble or labour. The seasons of the year are temperate, and the
transitions from one to another so moderate that the air is almost always
serene and pleasant. The rough northerly and easterly winds which blow
from the coasts of Europe and Africa, dissipated in the vast open space,
utterly lose their force before they reach the islands. The soft western
and southerly winds which breathe upon them sometimes produce gentle sprinkling
showers, which they convey along with them from the sea, but more usually
bring days of moist, bright weather, cooling and gently fertilizing the
soil, so that the firm belief prevails, even among the barbarians, that
this is the seat of the blessed and that these are the Elysian Fields celebrated
by Homer.
When Sertorius heard this account, he was seized with a wonderful
passion for these islands, and had an extreme desire to go and live there
in peace and quietness, and safe from oppression and unending wars; but
his inclinations being perceived by the Cilician pirates, who desired not
peace nor quiet, but riches and spoils, they immediately forsook him and
sailed away into Africa to assist Ascalis, the son of Iphtha, and to help
to restore him to his kingdom of Mauritania. Their sudden departure noways
discouraged Sertorius; he presently resolved to assist the enemies of Ascalis,
and by this new adventure trusted to keep his soldiers together. who from
this might conceive new hopes, and a prospect of a new scene of action.
His arrival in Mauritania being very acceptable to the Moors, he lost no
time, but immediately giving battle to Ascalis, beat him out of the field
and besieged him; and Paccianus being sent by Sylla, with a powerful supply,
to raise the siege, Sertorius slew him in the field, gained over all his
forces, and took the city of Tingis, into which Ascalis and his brothers
were fled for refuge. The Africans tell that Antaeus was buried in this
city, and Sertorius had the grave opened, doubting the story because of
the prodigious size, and finding there his body, in effect, it is said,
full sixty cubits long, he was infinitely astonished, offered sacrifice,
and heaped up the tomb again, gave his confirmation to the story, and added
new honours to the memory of Antaeus. The Africans tell that after the
death of Antaeus, his wife Tinga lived with Hercules, and had a son by
him called Sophax, who was king of these countries, and gave his mother's
name to this city, whose son, also, was Diodorus, a great conqueror, who
brought the greatest part of the Libyan tribes under his subjection, with
an army of Greeks, raised out of the colonies of the Olbians and Myceneans
placed here by Hercules. Thus much I may mention for the sake of King Juba,
of all monarchs the greatest student of history whose ancestors are said
to have sprung from Diodorus and Sophax.
When Sertorius had made himself absolute master of the whole country,
he acted with great fairness to those who had confided in him, and who
yielded to his mercy; he restored to them their property, cities, and government,
accepting only of such acknowledgments as they themselves freely offered.
And whilst he considered which way next to turn his arms, the Lusitanians
sent ambassadors to desire him to be their general; for being terrified
with the Roman power, and finding the necessity of having a commander of
great authority and experience in war, being also sufficiently assured
of his worth and valour by those who had formerly known him, they were
desirous to commit themselves especially to his care. And in fact Sertorius
is said to have been of a temper unassailable either by fear or pleasure,
in adversity and dangers undaunted, and noways puffed up with prosperity.
In straightforward fighting, no commander in his time was more bold and
daring, and in whatever was to be performed in war by stratagem, secrecy,
or surprise, if any strong place was to be secured, any pass to be gained
speedily, for deceiving and overreaching an enemy, there was no man equal
to him in subtlety and skill. In bestowing rewards and conferring honours
upon those who had performed good service in the wars, he was bountiful
and magnificent, and was no less sparing and moderate in inflicting punishment.
It is true that that piece of harshness and cruelty which he executed in
the latter part of his days upon the Spanish hostages seems to argue that
his clemency was not natural to him, but only worn as a dress, and employed
upon calculation, as his occasion or necessity required. As to my own opinion,
I am persuaded that pure virtue, established by reason and judgment, can
never be totally perverted or changed into its opposite, by any misfortune
whatever. Yet I think it at the same time possible that virtuous inclinations
and natural good qualities may, when unworthily oppressed by calamities,
show, with change of fortune, some change and alteration of their temper;
and thus I conceive it happened to Sertorius, who, when prosperity failed
him, became exasperated by his disasters against those who had done him
wrong.
The Lusitanians having sent for Sertorius, he left Africa, and
being made general with absolute authority, he put all in order amongst
them, and brought the neighbouring parts of Spain under subjection. Most
of the tribes voluntarily submitted themselves, won by the fame of his
clemency and of his courage, and, to some extent, also, he availed himself
of cunning artifices of his own devising to impose upon them and gain influence
over them. Amongst which, certainly, that of the hind was not the least.
Spanus, a countryman who lived in those parts, meeting by chance a hind
that had recently calved, flying from the hunters, let the dam go, and
pursuing the fawn, took it, being wonderfully pleased with the rarity of
the colour, which was all milk-white. As at that time Sertorius was living
in the neighbourhood, and accepted gladly any presents of fruit, fowl,
or venison that the country afforded, and rewarded liberally those who
presented them, the countryman brought him his young hind, which he took
and was well pleased with at the first sight; but when in time he had made
it so tame and gentle that it would come when he called, and follow him
wheresoever he went, and could endure the noise and tumult of the camp,
knowing well that uncivilized people are naturally prone to superstition,
by little and little he raised it into something preternatural, saying
that it was given him by the goddess Diana, and that it revealed to him
many secrets. He added, also, further contrivances. If he had received
at any time private intelligence that the enemies had made an incursion
into any part of the districts under his command, or had solicited any
city to revolt, he pretended that the hind had informed him of it in his
sleep, and charged him to keep his forces in readiness. Or if again he
had noticed that any of the commanders under him had got a victory, he
would hide the messengers and bring forth the hind crowned with flowers,
for joy of the good news that was to come, and would encourage them to
rejoice and sacrifice to the gods for the good account they should soon
receive of their prosperous success.
By such practices, he brought them to be more tractable and obedient
in all things; for now they thought themselves no longer to be led by a
stranger, but rather conducted by a god, and the more so, as the facts
themselves seemed to bear witness to it, his power, contrary to all expectation
or probability, continually increasing. For with two thousand six hundred
men, whom for honour's sake he called Romans, combined with seven hundred
Africans, who landed with him when he first entered Lusitania, together
with four thousand targeteers and seven hundred horse of the Lusitanians
themselves, he made war against four Roman generals, who commanded a hundred
and twenty thousand foot, six thousand horse, two thousand archers and
slingers, and had cities innumerable in their power; whereas at the first
he had not above twenty cities in all. From this weak and slender beginning,
he raised himself to the command of large nations of men, and the possession
of numerous cities; and of the Roman commanders who were sent against him,
he overthrew Cotta in a sea-fight, in the channel near the town of Mellaria;
he routed Fufidius, the governor of Baetica, with the loss of two thousand
Romans, near the banks of the river Baetis; Lucius Domitius, proconsul
of the other province of Spain, was overthrown by one of his lieutenants;
Thoranius, another commander sent against him by Metellus with a great
force, was slain, and Metellus, one of the greatest and most approved Roman
generals then living, by a series of defeats, was reduced to such extremities,
that Lucius Manlius came to his assistance out of Gallia Narbonensis, and
Pompey the Great was sent from Rome itself in all haste with considerable
forces. Nor did Metellus know which way to turn himself, in a war with
such a bold and ready commander, who was continually molesting him, and
yet could not be brought to a set battle, but by the swiftness and dexterity
of his Spanish soldiery was enabled to shift and adapt himself to any change
of circumstances. Metellus had had experience in battles fought by regular
legions of soldiers, fully armed and drawn up in due order into a heavy
standing phalanx, admirably trained for encountering and overpowering an
enemy who came to close combat, hand to hand, but entirely unfit for climbing
among the hills, and competing incessantly with the swift attacks and retreats
of a set of fleet mountaineers, or to endure hunger and thirst and live
exposed like them to the wind and weather, without fire or
covering.
Besides, being now in years, and having been formerly engaged in
many fights and dangerous conflicts, he had grown inclined to a more remiss,
easy, and luxurious life, and was the less able to contend with Sertorius
who was in the prime of his strength and vigour, and had a body wonderfully
fitted for war, being strong, active, and temperate, continually accustomed
to endure hard labour, to take long, tedious journeys, to pass many nights
together without sleep, to eat little, and to be satisfied with very coarse
fare, and who was never stained with the least excess in wine, even when
he was most at leisure. What leisure time he allowed himself he spent in
hunting and riding about, and so made himself thoroughly acquainted with
every passage for escape when he would fly, and for overtaking and intercepting
a pursuit, and gained a perfect knowledge of where he could and where he
could not go. Insomuch that Metellus suffered all the inconveniences of
defeat, although he earnestly desired to fight, and Sertorius, though he
refused the field, reaped all the advantages of a conqueror. For he hindered
them from foraging, and cut them off from water; if they advanced, he was
nowhere to be found; if they stayed in any place and encamped, he continually
molested and alarmed them; if they besieged any town, he presently appeared
and besieged them again, and put them to extremities for want of necessaries.
Thus he so wearied out the Roman army that when Sertorius challenged Metellus
to fight singly with him, they commended it, and cried out it was a fair
offer, a Roman to fight against a Roman, and a general against a general;
and when Metellus refused the challenge, they reproached him. Metellus
derided and contemned this, and rightly so; for, as Theophrastus observes,
a general should die like a general, and not like a skirmisher. But perceiving
that the town of the Langobritae, which gave great assistance to Sertorius,
might easily be taken for want of water, as there was but one well within
the walls, and the besieger would be master of the springs and fountains
in the suburbs, he advanced against the place, expecting to carry it in
two days' time, there being no more water, and gave command to his soldiers
to take five days' provision only. Sertorius, however, resolving to send
speedy relief, ordered two thousand skins to be filled with water, naming
a considerable sum of money for the carriage of every skin; and many Spaniards
and Moors undertaking the work, he chose out those who were the strongest
and swiftest of foot, and sent them through the mountains, with order that
when they had delivered the water, they should convey away privately all
those who would be least serviceable in the siege, that there might be
water sufficient for the defendants. As soon as Metellus understood this,
he was disturbed, as he had already consumed most part of the necessary
provisions for his army, but he sent out Aquinus with six thousand soldiers
to fetch in fresh supplies. But Sertorius having notice of it, laid an
ambush for him, and having sent out beforehand three thousand men to take
post in a thickly wooded water-course, with these he attacked the rear
of Aquinus in his return, while he himself, charging him in the front,
destroyed part of his army, and took the rest prisoners, Aquinus only escaping,
after the loss of both his horse and his armour. And Metellus, being forced
shamefully to raise the siege, withdrew amidst the laughter and contempt
of the Spaniards; while Sertorius became yet more the object of their esteem
and admiration.
He was also highly honoured for his introducing discipline and
good order amongst them, for he altered their furious savage manner of
fighting, and brought them to make use of the Roman armour, taught them
to keep their ranks, and observe signals and watchwards; and out of a confused
number of thieves and robbers he constituted a regular, well-disciplined
army. He bestowed silver and gold upon them liberally to gild and adorn
their helmets, he had their shields worked with various figures and designs,
he brought them into the mode of wearing flowered and embroidered cloaks
and coats, and by supplying money for these purposes, and joining with
them in all improvements, he won the hearts of all. That, however, which
delighted them most was the care that he took of their children. He sent
for all the boys of noblest parentage out of all their tribes, and placed
them in the great city of Osca, where he appointed masters to instruct
them in the Grecian and Roman learning. that when they came to be men,
they might, as he professed, be fitted to share with him in authority,
and in conducting the government, although under this pretext he really
made them hostages. However, their fathers were wonderfully pleased to
see their children going daily to the schools in good order, handsomely
dressed in gowns edged with purple, and that Sertorius paid for their lessons,
examined them often, distributed rewards to the most deserving, and gave
them the golden bosses to hang about their necks, which the Romans called
bullae.
There being a custom in Spain that when a commander was slain in
battle, those who attended his person fought it out till they all died
with him, which the inhabitants of those countries called an offering,
or libation, there were few commanders that had any considerable guard
or number of attendants; but Sertorius was followed by many thousands who
offered themselves, and vowed to spend their blood with his. And it is
told that when his army was defeated near a city in Spain, and the enemy
pressed hard upon them, the Spaniards, with no care for themselves, but
being totally solicitous to save Sertorius, took him upon their shoulders
and passed him from one to another, till they carried him into the city,
and only when they had thus placed their general in safety, provided afterwards
each man for his own security.
Nor were the Spaniards alone ambitious to serve him, but the Roman
soldiers, also, that came out of Italy, were impatient to be under his
command; and when Perpenna Vento, who was of the same faction with Sertorius,
came into Spain with a quantity of money and a large number of troops,
and designed to make war against Metellus on his own account, his own soldiers
opposed it, and talked continually of Sertorius, much to the mortification
of Perpenna, who was puffed up with the grandeur of his family and his
riches. And when they afterwards received tidings that Pompey was passing
the Pyrenees, they took up their arms laid hold on their ensigns, called
upon Perpenna to lead them to Sertorius, and threatened him that if he
refused they would go without him and place themselves under a commander
who was able to defend himself and those that served him. And so Perpenna
was obliged to yield to their desires, and joining Sertorius, added to
his army three-and-fifty cohorts.
When now all the cities on this side of the river Ebro also united
their forces together under his command, his army grew great, for they
flocked together and flowed in upon him from all quarters. But when they
continually cried out to attack the enemy, and were impatient of delay,
their inexperienced, disorderly rashness caused Sertorius much trouble,
who at first strove to restrain them with reason and good counsel; but
when he perceived them refractory and unseasonably violent, he gave way
to their impetuous desires, and permitted them to engage with the enemy,
in such sort that they might, being repulsed, yet not totally routed become
more obedient to his commands for the future. Which happening as he had
anticipated, he soon rescued them, and brought them safe into his camp.
After a few days, being willing to encourage them again, when he had called
all his army together, he caused two horses to be brought into the field,
one old, feeble, lean animal the other a lusty, strong horse, with a remarkably
thick and long tail. Near the lean one he placed a tall, strong man, and
near the strong young horse a weak, despicable-looking fellow; and at a
sign given, the strong man took hold of the weak horse's tail with both
his hands, and drew it to him with his whole force, as if he would pull
it off; the other, the weak man, in the meantime, set to work to pluck
off hair by hair from the great horse's tail. When the strong man had given
trouble enough to himself in vain, and sufficient diversion to the company,
and had abandoned his attempt, whilst the weak, pitiful fellow in a short
time and with little pains had left not a hair on the great horse's tail,
Sertorius rose up and spoke to his army. "You see, fellow-soldiers, that
perseverance is more prevailing than violence, and that many things which
cannot be overcome when they are together, yield themselves up when taken
little by little. Assiduity and persistence are irresistible, and in time
overthrow and destroy the greatest powers whatever. Time being the favourable
friend and assistant of those who use their judgment to await his occasions,
and the destructive enemy of those who are unreasonably urging and pressing
forward." With a frequent use of such words and such devices, he soothed
the fierceness of the barbarous people, and taught them to attend and watch
for their opportunities.
Of all his remarkable exploits, none raised greater admiration
than that which he put in practice against the Characitanians. These are
a people beyond the river Tagus, who inhabit neither cities nor towns,
but live in a vast high hill, within the deep dens and caves of the rocks,
the mouths of which open all towards the north. The country below is of
a soil resembling a light clay, so loose as easily to break into powder,
and is not firm enough to bear any one that treads upon it, and if you
touch it in the least it flies about like ashes or unslacked lime. In any
danger of war, these people descended into their caves, and carrying in
their booty and prey along with them, stayed quietly within, secure from
every attack. And when Sertorius, leaving Metellus some distance off, had
placed his camp near this hill, they slighted and despised him, imagining
that he retired into these parts, being overthrown by the Romans. And whether
out of anger or resentment, or out of his unwillingness to be thought to
fly from his enemies, early in the morning he rode up to view the situation
of the place. But finding there was no way to come at it, as he rode about,
threatening them in vain and disconcerted, he took notice that the wind
raised the dust and carried it up towards the caves of the Characitanians,
the mouths of which, as I said before, opened towards the north; and the
northern wind, which some call Caecias, prevailing most in those parts,
coming up out of moist plains or mountains covered with snow, at this particular
time, in the heat of summer, being further supplied and increased by the
melting of the ice in the northern regions, blew a delightful fresh gale,
cooling and refreshing the Characitanians and their cattle all the day
long. Sertorius, considering well all circumstances in which either the
information of the inhabitants or his own experience had instructed him,
commanded his soldiers to shovel up a great quantity of this light, dusty
earth, to heap it up together, and make a mount of it over against the
hill in which those barbarous people resided, who, imagining that all this
preparation was for raising a mound to get at them, only mocked and laughed
at it. However, he continued the work till the evening, and brought his
soldiers back into their camp.
The next morning a gentle breeze at first arose, and moved the
lightest parts of the earth and dispersed it about as the chaff before
the wind; but when the sun coming to be higher, the strong northerly wind
had covered the hills with the dust, the soldiers came and turned this
mound of earth over and over, and broke the hard clods in pieces, whilst
others on horseback rode through it backward and forward, and raised a
cloud of dust into the air: there with the wind the whole of it was carried
away and blown into the dwellings of the Characitanians, all lying open
to the north. And there being no other vent or breathing-place than that
through which the Caecias rushed in upon them, it quickly blinded their
eyes and filled their lungs, and all but choked them, whilst they strove
to draw in the rough air mingled with dust and powdered earth. Nor were
they able, with all they could do, to hold out above two days, but yielding
up themselves on the third, adding, by their defeat, not so much of the
power of Sertorius, as to his renown, in proving that he was able to conquer
places by art, which were impregnable by the force of
arms.
So long as he had to do with Metellus, he was thought to owe his
successes to his opponent's age and slow temper, which were ill suited
for coping with the daring and activity of one who commanded a light army
more like a band of robbers than regular soldiers. But when Pompey also
passed over the Pyrenees, and Sertorius pitched his camp near him, and
offered and himself accepted every occasion by which military skill could
be put to the proof, and in this contest of dexterity was found to have
the better, both in baffling his enemy's designs and in counter-scheming
himself, the fame of him now spread even to Rome itself, as the most expert
commander of his time. For the renown of Pompey was not small, who had
already won much honour by his achievements in the wars of Sylla, from
whom he received the title of Magnus, and was called Pompey the Great;
and who had risen to the honour of a triumph before the beard had grown
on his face. And many cities which were under Sertorius were on the very
eve of revolting and going over to Pompey, when they were deterred from
it by that great action, amongst others, which he performed near the city
of Lauron, contrary to the expectation of all.
For Sertorius had laid siege to Lauron, and Pompey came with his
whole army to relieve it; and there being a hill near this city very advantageously
situated, they both made haste to take it. Sertorius was beforehand, and
took possession of it first, and Pompey, having drawn down his forces,
was not sorry that it had thus happened, imagining that he had hereby enclosed
his enemy between his own army and the city, and sent in a messenger to
the citizens of Lauron, to bid them be of good courage, and to come upon
their walls, where they might see their besieger besieged. Sertorius, perceiving
their intentions, smiled, and said he would now teach Sylla's scholar,
for so he called Pompey in derision, that it was the part of a general
to look as well behind him as before him, and at the same time showed them
six thousand soldiers, whom he had left in his former camp, from whence
he marched out to take the hill, where, if Pompey should assault him, they
might fall upon his rear. Pompey discovered this too late and not daring
to give battle, for fear of being encompassed, and yet being ashamed to
desert his friends and confederates in their extreme danger, was thus forced
to sit still, and see them ruined before his face. For the besieged despaired
of relief, and delivered up themselves to Sertorius, who spared their lives
and granted them their liberty, but burnt their city, not out of anger
or cruelty, for of all commanders that ever were Sertorius seemed least
of all to have indulged these passions, but only for the greater shame
and confusion of the admirers of Pompey, and that it might be reported
amongst the Spaniards, that though he had been so close to the fire which
burnt down the city of his confederates as actually to feel the heat of
it, he still had not dared to make any opposition.
Sertorius, however, sustained many losses; but he always maintained
himself and those immediately with him undefeated, and it was by other
commanders under him that he suffered; and he was more admired for being
able to repair his losses, and for recovering the victory, than the Roman
generals against him for gaining these advantages; as at the battle of
Sucro against Pompey, and at the battle near Tuttia, against him and Metellus
together. The battle near the Sucro was fought, it is said, through the
impatience of Pompey, lest Metellus should share with him in the victory,
Sertorius being also willing to engage Pompey before the arrival of Metellus,
Sertorius delayed the time till the evening, considering that the darkness
of the night would be a disadvantage to his enemies, whether flying or
pursuing, being strangers, and having no knowledge of the
country.
When the fight began, it happened that Sertorius was not placed
directly against Pompey, but against Afranius, who had command of the left
wing of the Roman army, as he commanded the right wing of his own; but
when he understood that his left wing began to give way, and yield to the
assault of Pompey, he committed the care of his right wing to other commanders,
and made haste to relieve those in distress; and rallying some that were
flying, and encouraging others that still kept their ranks, he renewed
the fight, and attacked the enemy in their pursuit so effectively as to
cause a considerable rout, and brought Pompey into great danger of his
life. For after being wounded and losing his horse, he escaped unexpectedly.
For the Africans with Sertorius, who took Pompey's horse, set out with
gold, and covered with rich trappings, fell out with one another; and upon
the dividing of the spoil, gave over the pursuit. Afranius, in the meantime,
as soon as Sertorius had left his right wing, to assist the other part
of his army, overthrew all that opposed him; and pursuing them to their
camp, fell in together with them, and plundered them till it was dark night;
knowing nothing of Pompey's overthrow, nor being able to restrain his soldiers
from pillaging; when Sertorius, returning with victory, fell upon him and
upon his men, who were all in disorder, and slew many of them. And the
next morning he came into the field again well armed, and offered battle,
but perceiving that Metellus was near, he drew off, and returned to his
camp, saying, "If this old woman had not come up, I would have whipped
that boy soundly, and sent him to Rome."
He was much concerned that his white hind could nowhere be found;
as he was thus destitute of an admirable contrivance to encourage the barbarous
people at a time when he most stood in need of it. Some men, however, wandering
in the night, chanced to meet her, and knowing her by her colour, took
her; to whom Sertorius promised a good reward, if they would tell no one
of it; and immediately shut her up. A few days after, he appeared in public
with a very cheerful look, and declared to the chief men of the country
that the gods had foretold him in a dream that some great good fortune
should shortly attend him; and, taking his seat, proceeded to answer the
petitions of those who applied themselves to him. The keepers of the hind,
who were not far off, now let her loose, and she no sooner espied Sertorius,
but she came leaping with great joy to his feet, laid her head upon his
knees, and licked his hands, as she formerly used to do. And Sertorius
stroking her, and making much of her again, with that tenderness that the
tears stood in his eyes, all that were present were immediately filled
with wonder and astonishment, and accompanying him to his house with loud
shouts for joy, looked upon him as a person above the rank of mortal men,
and highly beloved by the gods; and were great courage and hope for the
future.
When he had reduced his enemies to the last extremity for want
of provision, he was forced to give them battle, in the plains near Saguntum,
to hinder them from foraging and plundering the country. Both parties fought
gloriously. Memmius, the best commander in Pompey's army, was slain in
the heat of the battle. Sertorius overthrew all before him, and with great
slaughter of his enemies pressed forward towards Metellus. This old commander,
making a resistance beyond what could be expected from one of his years,
was wounded with a lance an occurrence which filled all who either saw
it or heard of it with shame, to be thought to have left their general
in distress, but at the same time to provoke them to revenge and fury against
their enemies; they covered Metellus with their shields, and brought him
off in safety, and then valiantly repulsed the Spaniards; and so victory
changed sides, and Sertorius, that he might afford a more secure retreat
to his army, and that fresh forces might more easily be raised, retired
into a strong city in the mountains. And though it was the least of his
intention to sustain a long siege, yet he began to repair the walls, and
to fortify the gates, thus deluding his enemies, who came and sat down
before the town, hoping to take it without much resistance; and meantime
gave over the pursuit of the Spaniards, and allowed opportunity for raising
new forces for Sertorius, to which purpose he had sent commanders to all
their cities, with orders, when they had sufficiently increased their numbers,
to send him word of it. This news he no sooner received, but he sallied
out and forced his way through his enemies, and easily joined them with
the rest of his army. Having received this considerable reinforcement,
he set upon the Romans again, and by rapidly assaulting them, by alarming
them on all sides, by ensnaring, circumventing, and laying ambushes for
them, he cut off all provisions by land, while with his piratical vessels
he kept all the coast in awe, and hindered their supplies by sea. He thus
forced the Roman generals to dislodge and to separate from one another:
Metellus departed into Gaul, and Pompey wintered among the Vaccaeans, in
a wretched condition, where, being in extreme want of money, he wrote a
letter to the senate, to let them know that if they did not speedily support
him, he must draw off his army; for he had already spent his own money
in the defence of Italy. To these extremities, the chiefest and the most
powerful commanders of the age were reduced by the skill of Sertorius;
and it was the common opinion in Rome that he would be in Italy before
Pompey.
How far Metellus was terrified and at what rate he esteemed him,
he plainly declared, when he offered by proclamation an hundred talents
and twenty thousand acres of land to any Roman that should kill him, and
leave, if he were banished, to return; attempting villainously to buy his
life by treachery, when he despaired of ever being able to overcome him
in open war. When once he gained the advantage in a battle against Sertorius,
he was so pleased and transported with his good fortune, that he caused
himself to be publicly proclaimed imperator; and all the cities which he
visited received him with altars and sacrifices; he allowed himself, it
is said, to have garlands placed on his head, and accepted sumptuous entertainments,
at which he sat drinking in triumphal robes, while images and figures of
victory were introduced by the motion of machines, bringing in with them
crowns and trophies of gold to present to him, and companies of young men
and women danced before him, and sang to him songs of joy and triumph.
By all which he rendered himself deservedly ridiculous, for being so excessively
delighted and puffed up with the thoughts of having followed one who was
retiring of his own accord, and for having once had the better of him whom
he used to call Sylla's runaway slave, and his forces, the remnant of the
defeated troops of Carbo.
Sertorius, meantime, showed the loftiness of his temper in calling
together all the Roman senators who had fled from Rome, and had come and
resided with him, and giving them the name of a senate; and out of these
he chose praetors and quaestors, and adorned his government with all the
Roman laws and institutions. And though he made use of the arms, riches,
and cities of the Spaniards, yet he would never, even in word, remit to
them the imperial authority, but set Roman officers and commanders over
them, intimating his purpose to restore liberty to the Romans, not to raise
up the Spaniard's power against them. For he was a sincere lover of his
country, and had a great desire to return home; but in his adverse fortune
he showed undaunted courage, and behaved himself towards his enemies in
a manner free from all dejection and mean-spiritedness; and when he was
in his prosperity, and in the height of his victories, he sent word to
Metellus and Pompey that he was ready to lay down his arms and live a private
life if he were allowed to return home, declaring that he had rather live
as the meanest citizen in Rome than, exiled from it, be supreme commander
of all other cities together. And it is thought that his great desire for
his country was in no small measure promoted by the tenderness he had for
his mother, under whom he was brought up after the death of his father,
and upon whom he had placed his entire affection. After that his friends
had sent for him into Spain to be their general, as soon as he heard of
his mother's death he had almost cast away himself and died for grief;
for he lay seven days together continually in his tent, without giving
the word, or being seen by the nearest of his friends; and when the chief
commanders of the army and persons of the greatest note came about his
tent, with great difficulty they prevailed with him at last to come abroad,
and speak to his soldiers, and to take upon him the management of affairs,
which were in a prosperous condition. And thus, to many men's judgment,
he seemed to have been in himself of a mild and compassionate temper, and
naturally given to ease and quietness, and to have accepted of the command
of military forces contrary to his own inclination, and not being able
to live in safety otherwise, to have been driven by his enemies to have
recourse to arms, and to espouse the wars as a necessary guard for the
defence of his person.
His negotiations with King Mithridates further argue the greatness
of his mind. For when Mithridates recovering himself from his overthrow
by Sylla, like a strong wrestler that gets up to try another fall, was
again endeavouring to re-establish his power in Asia, at this time the
great fame of Sertorius was celebrated in all places; and when the merchants
who came out of the western parts of Europe, bringing these, as it were,
among their other foreign wares, had filled the kingdom of Pontus with
their stories of his exploits in war, Mithridates was extremely desirous
to send an embassy to him, being also highly encouraged to it by the boastings
of his flattering courtiers, who, comparing Mithridates to Pyrrhus, and
Sertorius to Hannibal, professed that the Romans would never be able to
make any considerable resistance against such great forces, and such admirable
commanders, when they should be set upon on both sides at once, on one
by the most warlike general, and on the other by the most powerful prince
in existence.
Accordingly, Mithridates sends ambassadors into Spain to Sertorius
with letters and instructions, and commission to promise ships and money
toward the charge of the war, if Sertorius would confirm his pretensions
upon Asia, and authorize to possess all that he had surrendered to the
Romans in his treaty with Sylla. Sertorius summoned a full council which
he called a senate, where, when others joyfully approved of the conditions,
and were desirous immediately to accept of his offer, seeing that he desired
nothing of them but a name, and an empty title to places not in their power
to dispose of, in recompense of which they should be supplied with what
they then stood most in need of, Sertorius would by no means agree to it;
declaring that he was willing that King Mithridates should exercise all
royal power and authority over Bithynia and Cappadocia, countries accustomed
to a monarchical government, and not belonging to Rome, but he could never
consent that he should seize or detain a province, which, by the justest
right and title, was possessed by the Romans, which Mithridates had formerly
taken away from them, and had afterwards lost in open war to Fimbria, and
quitted upon a treaty of peace with Sylla. For he looked upon it as his
duty to enlarge the Roman possessions by his conquering arms, and not to
increase his own power by the diminution of the Roman territories. Since
a noble-minded man, though he willingly accepts of victory when it comes
with honour, will never so much as endeavour to save his own life upon
any dishonourable terms.
When this was related to Mithridates, he was struck with amazement,
and said to his intimate friends, "What will Sertorius enjoin us to do
when he comes to be seated in the Palatium in Rome, who at present, when
he is driven out to the borders of the Atlantic Sea, sets bounds to our
kingdoms in the east, and threatens us with war if we attempt the recovery
of Asia?" However, they solemnly, upon oath, concluded a league between
them, upon these terms: that Mithridates should enjoy the free possessions
of Cappadocia and Bithynia, and that Sertorius should send him soldiers
and a general for his army, in recompense of which the king was to supply
him with three thousand talents and forty ships. Marcus Marius, a Roman
senator who had quitted Rome to follow Sertorius, was sent general into
Asia, in company with whom, when Mithridates had reduced divers of the
Asian cities, Marius made his entrance with rods and axes carried before
him, and Mithridates followed in the second place, voluntarily waiting
upon him. Some of these cities he set at liberty, and others he freed from
taxes, signifying to them that these privileges were granted to them by
the favour of Sertorius, and hereby Asia, which had been miserably tormented
by the revenue farmers, and oppressed by the insolent pride and covetousness
of the soldiers, began to rise again to new hopes and to look forward with
joy to the expected change of government.
But in Spain, the senators about Sertorius, and others of the nobility,
finding themselves strong enough for their enemies, no sooner laid aside
fear, but their minds were possessed by envy and irrational jealousies
of Sertorius's power. And chiefly Perpenna, elevated by the thoughts of
his noble birth, and carried away with a fond ambition of commanding the
army, threw out villainous discourses in private amongst his acquaintance.
"What evil genius," he would say, "hurries us perpetually from worse to
worse? We who disdained to obey the dictates of Sylla, the ruler of the
sea and land, and thus to live at home in peace and quiet, are come hither
to our destruction, hoping to enjoy our liberty, and have made ourselves
slaves of our own accord; and are become the contemptible guards and attendants
of the banished Sertorius, who, that he may expose us the further, gives
us a name that renders us ridiculous to all that hear it, and calls us
the Senate, when at the same time he makes us undergo as much hard labour,
and forces us to be as subject to his haughty commands and insolences,
as any Spaniards and Lusitanians." With these mutinous discourses he seduced
them; and though the greater number could not be led into open rebellion
against Sertorius, fearing his power, they were prevailed with to endeavour
to destroy his interest secretly. For by abusing the Lusitanians and Spaniards,
by inflicting severe punishments upon them, by raising exorbitant taxes,
and by pretending that all this was done by the strict command of Sertorius,
they caused great troubles, and made many cities to revolt; and those who
were sent to mitigate and heal these differences did rather exasperate
them, and increase the number of his enemies, and left them at their return
more obstinate and rebellious than they found them. And Sertorius, incensed
with all this, now so far forgot his former clemency and goodness as to
lay hands on the sons of the Spaniards educated in the city of Osca; and,
contrary to all justice, he cruelly put some of them to death, and sold
others.
In the meantime, Perpenna, having increased the number of his conspirators,
drew in Manlius, a commander in the army, who, at that time being attached
to a youth, to gain his affections the more, discovered the confederacy
to him, bidding him neglect others, and be constant to him alone; who,
in a few days, was to be a person of great power and authority. But the
youth having a greater inclination for Aufidius, disclosed all to him,
which much surprised and amazed him. For he was also one of the confederacy,
but knew not that Manlius was anyways engaged in it; but when the youth
began to name Perpenna, Gracinus, and others, whom he new very well to
be sworn conspirators, he was very much terrified and astonished; but made
light of it to the youth, and bade him not regard what Manlius said, a
vain, boasting fellow. However, he went presently to Perpenna, and giving
him notice of the danger they were in, and of the shortness of their time,
desired him immediately to put their designs in execution. When all the
confederates had consented to it, they provided a messenger who brought
feigned letters to Sertorius, in which he had notice of a victory obtained,
it said, by one of his lieutenants, and of the great slaughter of his enemies:
and as Sertorius, being extremely well pleased, was sacrificing and giving
thanks to the gods for his prosperous success, Perpenna invited him, and
those with him, who were also of the conspiracy, to an entertainment, and
being very importunate, prevailed with him to come. At all suppers and
entertainments where Sertorius was present, great order and decency was
wont to be observed; for he would not endure to hear or see anything that
was rude or unhandsome, but made it the habit of all who kept his company
to entertain themselves with quiet and inoffensive amusements. But in the
middle of this entertainment, those who sought occasion to quarrel fell
into dissolute discourse openly, and making as if they were very drunk,
committed many insolences on purpose to provoke him. Sertorius, being offended
with their ill-behaviour, or perceiving the state of their minds by their
way of speaking and their unusually disrespectful manner changed the posture
of his lying, and leaned backward, as one that neither heard nor regarded
them. Perpenna now took a cup full of wine, and, as he was drinking, let
it fall out of his hand and made a noise, which was the sign agreed upon
amongst them; and Antonius, who was next to Sertorius, immediately wounded
him with his sword. And whilst Sertorius, upon receiving the wound, turned
himself, and strove to get up, Antonius threw himself upon his breast,
and held both his hands, so that he died by a number of blows, without
being able even to defend himself.
Upon the first news of his death, most of the Spaniards left the
conspirators, and sent ambassadors to Pompey and Metellus, and yielded
themselves up to them. Perpenna attempted to do something with those that
remained, but he made only so much use of Sertorius's arms and preparations
for war as to disgrace himself in them, and to let it be evident to all
that he understood no more how to command than he knew how to obey; and
when he came against Pompey, he was soon overthrown and taken prisoner.
Neither did he bear this last affliction with any bravery, but having Sertorius's
papers and writings in his hands, he offered to show Pompey letters from
persons of consular dignity, and of the highest quality in Rome, written
with their own hands, expressly to call Sertorius into Italy, and to let
him know what great numbers there were that earnestly desired to alter
the present state of affairs, and to introduce another manner of government.
Upon this occasion, Pompey behaved not like a youth, or one of a light
inconsiderate mind, but as a man of a confirmed, mature, and solid judgment;
and so freed Rome from great fears and dangers of change. For he put all
Sertorius's writings and letters together and read not one of them, nor
suffered any one else to read them, but burnt them all, and caused Perpenna
immediately to be put to death, lest by discovering their names further
troubles and revolutions might ensue.
Of the rest of the conspirators with Perpenna, some were taken
and slain by the command of Pompey, others fled into Africa, and were set
upon by the Moors, and run through with their darts: and in a short time
not one of them was left alive, except only Aufidius, the rival of Manlius,
who, hiding himself, or not being much inquired after, died an old man,
in an obscure village in Spain, in extreme poverty, and hated by
all.
THE END
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