Plutarch
46-119 A.C.E - Wrote in Greek
Tiberius Gracchus
Written 75 A.C.E.
Translated by John Dryden
Tiberius Gracchus
(legendary, died 133 B.C.E.)
By Plutarch
Having completed the first two narratives, we now may proceed to take a
view of misfortunes, not less remarkable, in the Roman couple, and with
the lives of Agis and Cleomenes, compare these of Tiberius and Caius. They
were the sons of Tiberius Gracchus, who though he had been once censor,
twice consul, and twice had triumphed, yet was more renowned and esteemed
for his virtue than his honours. Upon this account, after the death of
Scipio who overthrew Hannibal, he was thought worthy to match with his
daughter Cornelia, though there had been no friendship or familiarity between
Scipio and him, but rather the contrary. There is a story told that he
once found in his bed-chamber a couple of snakes, and that the soothsayers,
being consulted concerning the prodigy, advised that he should neither
kill them both nor let them both escape; adding, that if the male serpent
was killed, Tiberius should die, and if the female, Cornelia. And that
therefore Tiberius, who extremely loved his wife, and thought, besides,
that it was much more his part, who was an old man, to die, than it was
hers, who as yet was but a young woman, killed the male serpent, and let
the female escape; and soon after himself died, leaving behind him twelve
children borne to him by Cornelia.
Cornelia, taking upon herself all the care of the household and
the education of her children, approved herself so discreet a matron, so
affectionate a mother, and so constant and noble-spirited a widow, that
Tiberius seemed to all men to have done nothing unreasonable in choosing
to die for such a woman; who, when King Ptolemy himself proffered her his
crown, and would have married her, refused it, and chose rather to live
a widow. In this state she continued, and lost all her children, except
one daughter, who was married to Scipio the younger, and two sons, Tiberius
and Caius, whose lives we are now writing.
These she brought up with such care, that though they were without
dispute in natural endowments and dispositions the first among the Romans
of their time, yet they seemed to owe their virtues even more to their
education than to their birth. And as, in the statues and pictures made
of Castor and Pollux, though the brothers resemble one another, yet there
is a difference to be perceived in their countenances, between the one,
who delighted in the cestus, and the other, that was famous in the course,
so between these two noble youths, though there was a strong general likeness
in their common love of fortitude and temperance, in their liberality,
their eloquence, and their greatness of mind, yet in their actions and
administrations of public affairs, a considerable variation showed itself.
It will not be amiss before we proceed to mark the difference between
them.
Tiberius, in the form and expression of his countenance, and in
his gesture and motion, was gentle and composed; but Caius, earnest and
vehement. And so in their public speeches to the people, the one spoke
in a quiet, orderly manner, standing throughout on the same spot; the other
would walk about on the hustings, and in the heat of his orations pull
his gown off his shoulders, and was the first of all the Romans that used
such gestures; as Cleon is said to have been the first orator among the
Athenians that pulled off his cloak and smote his thigh, when addressing
the people. Caius's oratory was impetuous and passionate, making everything
tell to the utmost, whereas Tiberius was gentle and persuasive, awakening
emotions of pity. His diction was pure and carefully correct, while that
of Caius was vehement and rich. So likewise in their way of living and
at their tables, Tiberius was frugal and plain, Caius, compared with other
men, temperate and even austere, but contrasting with his brother in a
fondness for new fashions and rarities, as appears in Drusus's charge against
him, that he had bought some silver dolphins, to the value of twelve hundred
and fifty drachmas for every pound weight.
The same difference that appeared in their diction was observable
also in their tempers. The one was mild and reasonable, the other rough
and passionate, and to that degree, that often, in the midst of speaking,
he was so hurried away by his passion against his judgment, that his voice
lost its tone, and he began to pass into mere abusive talking, spoiling
his whole speech. As a remedy to this excess, he made use of an ingenious
servant of his, one Licinius, who stood constantly behind him with a sort
of pitch-pipe, or instrument to regulate the voice by, and whenever he
perceived his master's tone alter and break with anger, he struck a soft
note with his pipe, on hearing which Caius immediately checked the vehemence
of his passion, and his voice, grew quieter, and allowed himself to be
recalled to temper. Such are the differences between the two brothers;
but their valour in war against their country's enemies, their justice
in the government of its subjects, their care and industry in office, and
their self-command in all that regarded their pleasures, were equally remarkable
in both.
Tiberius was the elder by nine years; owing to which their actions
as public men were divided by the difference of the times in which those
of the one and those of the other were performed. And one of the principal
causes of the failure of their enterprises was this interval between their
careers, and the want of combination of their efforts. The power they would
have exercised, had they flourished both together, could scarcely have
failed to overcome all resistance. We must therefore give an account of
each of them singly, and first of the eldest.
Tiberius, immediately on his attaining manhood, had such a reputation
that he was admitted into the college of the augurs, and that in consideration
more of his early virtue than of his noble birth. This appeared by what
Appius Claudius did, who, though he had been consul and censor, and was
now the head of the Roman senate, and had the highest sense of his own
place and merit, at a public feast of the augurs, addressed himself openly
to Tiberius, and with great expressions of kindness, offered him his daughter
in marriage. And when Tiberius gladly accepted, and the agreement had thus
been completed, Appius returning home, no sooner had reached his door,
but he called to his wife and cried out in a loud voice, "O Antistia, I
have contracted our daughter Claudia to a husband." She, being amazed,
answered, "But why so suddenly, or what means this haste? Unless you have
provided Tiberius Gracchus for her husband." I am not ignorant that some
apply this story to Tiberius, the father of the Gracchi, and Scipio Africanus;
but most relate it as we have done. And Polybius writes, that after the
death of Scipio Africanus, the nearest relations of Cornelia, preferring
Tiberius to all other competitors, gave her to him in marriage, not having
been engaged or promised to any one by her father.
This young Tiberius, accordingly, serving in Africa under the younger
Scipio, who had married his sister, and living there under the same tent
with him, soon learned to estimate the noble spirit of his commander, which
was so fit to inspire strong feelings of emulation in virtue and desire
to prove merit in action, and in a short time he excelled all the young
men of the army in obedience and courage; and he was the first that mounted
the enemy's wall, as Fannius says, who writes that he himself climbed up
with him, and was partaker in the achievement. He was regarded, while he
continued with the army, with great affection; and left behind him on his
departure a strong desire for his return.
After that expedition, being chosen paymaster, it was his fortune
to serve in the war against the Numantines, under the command of Caius
Mancinus, the consul, a person of no bad character, but the most unfortunate
of all the Roman generals. Notwithstanding, amidst the greatest misfortunes,
and in the most unsuccessful enterprises, not only the discretion and valour
of Tiberius, but also, which was still more to be admired, the great respect
and honour which he showed for his general, were most eminently remarkable;
though the general himself, when reduced in straits, forgot his own dignity
and office. For being beaten in various great battles, he endeavoured to
dislodge by night and leave his camp; which the Numantines perceiving,
immediately possessed themselves of his camp, and pursuing that part of
the forces which was in flight, slew those that were in the rear, hedged
the whole army in on every side, and forced them into difficult ground,
whence there could be no possibility of an escape. Mancinus, despairing
to make his way through by force, sent a messenger to desire a truce and
conditions of peace. But they refused to give their confidence to any one
except Tiberius, and required that he should be sent to treat with them.
This was not only in regard to the young man's own character, for he had
a great reputation amongst the soldiers, but also in remembrance of his
father Tiberius, who, in his command against the Spaniards, had reduced
great numbers of them to subjection, but granted a peace to the Numantines,
and prevailed upon the Romans to keep it punctually and
inviolably.
Tiberius was accordingly despatched to the enemy, whom he persuaded
to accept of several conditions, and he himself complied with others; and
by this means, it is beyond a question, that he saved twenty thousand of
the Roman citizens, besides attendants and camp followers. However, the
Numantines retained possession of all the property they had found and plundered
in the encampment; and amongst other things were Tiberius's books of accounts,
containing the whole transactions of his quaestorship, which he was extremely
anxious to recover. And therefore, when the army were already upon their
march, he returned to Numantia, accompanied with only three or four of
his friends; and making his application to the officers of the Numantines,
he entreated that they would return him his books, lest his enemies should
have it in their power to reproach him with not being able to give an account
of the moneys intrusted to him. The Numantines joyfully embraced this opportunity
of obliging him, and invited him into the city; as he stood hesitating,
they came up and took him by the hands, and begged that he would no longer
look upon them as enemies, but believe them to be his friends, and treat
them as such. Tiberius thought it well to consent, desirous as he was to
have his books returned, and was afraid lest he should disoblige them by
showing any distrust. As soon as he entered into the city, they first offered
him food, and made every kind of entreaty that he would sit down and eat
something in their company. Afterwards they returned his books, and gave
him the liberty to take whatever he wished for in the remaining spoils.
He, on the other hand, would accept of nothing but some frankincense, which
he used in his public sacrifices, and bidding them farewell with every
expression of kindness, departed.
When he returned to Rome, he found the whole transaction censured
and reproached, as a proceeding that was base and scandalous to the Romans.
But the relations and friends of the soldiers, forming a large body among
the people, came flocking to Tiberius, whom they acknowledged as the preserver
of so many citizens, imputing to the general all the miscarriages which
had happened. Those who cried out against what had been done, urged for
imitation the example of their ancestors, who stripped and handed over
to the Samnites not only the generals who had consented to the terms of
release, but also all the quaestors, for example, and tribunes, who had
in any way implicated themselves in the agreement, laying the guilt of
perjury and breach of conditions on their heads. But, in this all the populace,
showing an extraordinary kindness and affection for Tiberius, indeed voted
that the consul should be stripped and put in irons, and so delivered to
the Numantines; but, for the sake of Tiberius, spared all the other officers.
It may be probable, also, that Scipio, who at that time was the greatest
and most powerful man among the Romans, contributed to save him, though
indeed he was also censured for not protecting Mancinus too, and that he
did not exert himself to maintain the observance of the articles of peace
which had been agreed upon by his kinsman and friend Tiberius. But it may
be presumed that the difference between them was for the most part due
to ambitious feelings, and to the friends and reasoners who urged on Tiberius,
and, as it was, it never amounted to anything that might not have been
remedied, or that was really bad. Nor can I think that Tiberius would ever
have met with his misfortunes, if Scipio had been concerned in dealing
with his measures; but he was away fighting at Numantia when Tiberius,
upon the following occasion, first came forward as a
legislator.
Of the land which the Romans gained by conquest from their neighbours,
part they sold publicly, and turned the remainder into common; this common
land they assigned to such of the citizens as were poor and indigent, for
which they were to pay only a small acknowledgment into the public treasury.
But when the wealthy men began to offer larger rents, and drive the poorer
people out, it was enacted by law that no person whatever should enjoy
more than five hundred acres of ground. This act for some time checked
the avarice of the richer, and was of great assistance to the poorer people,
who retained under it their respective proportions of ground, as they had
been formerly rented by them. Afterwards the rich men of the neighbourhood
contrived to get these lands again into their possession, under other people's
names, and at last would not stick to claim most of them publicly in their
own. The poor, who were thus deprived of their farms, were no longer either
ready, as they had formerly been, to serve in war or careful in the education
of their children; insomuch that in a short time there were comparatively
few freemen remaining in all Italy, which swarmed with workhouses full
of foreign-born slaves. These the rich men employed in cultivating their
ground of which they dispossessed the citizens. Caius Laelius, the intimate
friend of Scipio, undertook to reform this abuse; but meeting with opposition
from men of authority, and fearing a disturbance, he soon desisted, and
received the name of the Wise or the Prudent, both which meanings belong
to the Latin word Sapiens.
But Tiberius, being elected tribune of the people, entered upon
that design without delay, at the instigation, as is most commonly stated,
of Diophanes, the rhetorician, and Blossius, the philosopher. Diophanes
was a refugee from Mitylene, the other was an Italian, of the city of Cuma,
and was educated there under Antipater of Tarsus, who afterwards did him
the honour to dedicate some of his philosophical lectures to
him.
Some have also charged Cornelia, the mother of Tiberius, with contributing
towards it, because she frequently upbraided her sons, that the Romans
as yet rather called her the daughter of Scipio, than the mother of the
Gracchi. Others again say that Spurius Postumius was the chief occasion.
He was a man of the same age with Tiberius, and his rival for reputation
as a public speaker; and when Tiberius, at his return from the campaign,
found him to have got far beyond him in fame and influence, and to be much
looked up to, he thought to outdo him, by attempting a popular enterprise
of this difficulty and of such great consequence. But his brother Caius
has left it us in writing, that when Tiberius went through Tuscany to Numantia,
and found the country almost depopulated, there being hardly any free husbandmen
or shepherds, but for the most part only barbarian, imported slaves, he
then first conceived the course of policy which in the sequel proved so
fatal to his family. Though it is also most certain that the people themselves
chiefly excited his zeal and determination in the prosecution of it, by
setting up writings upon the porches, walls, and monuments, calling upon
him to reinstate the poor citizens in their former possessions.
However, he did not draw up his law without the advice and assistance
of those citizens that were then most eminent for their virtue and authority;
amongst whom were Crassus, the high-priest, Mucius Scaevola, the lawyer,
who at that time was consul, and Claudius Appius, his father-in-law. Never
did any law appear more moderate and gentle, especially being enacted against
such great oppression and avarice. For they who ought to have been severely
punished for trangressing the former laws, and should at least have lost
all their titles to such lands which they had unjustly usurped, were notwithstanding
to receive a price for quitting their unlawful claims, and giving up their
lands to those fit owners who stood in need of help. But though this reformation
was managed with so much tenderness that, all the former transactions being
passed over, the people were only thankful to prevent abuses of the like
nature for the future, yet, on the other hand, the moneyed men, and those
of great estates, were exasperated, through their covetous feelings against
the law itself, and against the lawgiver, through anger and party-spirit.
They therefore endeavoured to seduce the people, declaring that Tiberius
was designing a general redivision of lands, to overthrow the government,
and cut all things into confusion.
But they had no success. For Tiberius, maintaining an honourable
and just cause, and possessed of eloquence sufficient to have made a less
creditable action appear plausible, was no safe or easy antagonist, when,
with the people crowding around the hustings, he took his place, and spoke
in behalf of the poor. "The savage beasts," said he, "in Italy, have their
particular dens, they have their places of repose and refuge; but the men
who bear arms, and expose their lives for the safety of their country,
enjoy in the meantime nothing more in it but the air and light and, having
no houses or settlements of their own, are constrained to wander from place
to place with their wives and children." He told them that the commanders
were guilty of a ridiculous error, when, at the head of their armies, they
exhorted the common soldiers to fight for their sepulchres and altars;
when not any amongst so many Romans is possessed of either altar or monument,
neither have they any houses of their own, or hearths of their ancestors
to defend. They fought indeed and were slain, but it was to maintain the
luxury and the wealth of other men. They were styled the masters of the
world, but in the meantime had not one foot of ground which they could
call their own. An harangue of this nature, spoken to an enthusiastic and
sympathizing audience, by a person of commanding spirit and genuine feelings,
no adversaries at that time were competent to oppose. Forbearing, therefore,
all discussion and debate, they addressed themselves to Marcus Octavius,
his fellow-tribune, who being a young man of a steady, orderly character,
and an intimate friend of Tiberius, upon this account declined at first
the task of opposing him; but at length, over-persuaded with the repeated
importunities of numerous considerable persons, he was prevailed upon to
do so, and hindered the passing of the law; it being the rule that any
tribune has a power to hinder an act, and that all the rest can effect
nothing, if only one of them dissents. Tiberius, irritated at these proceedings,
presently laid aside this milder bill, but at the same time preferred another;
which, as it was more grateful to the common people, so it was much more
severe against the wrongdoers, commanding them to make an immediate surrender
of all lands which, contrary to former laws, had come into their possession.
Hence there arose daily contentions between him and Octavius in their orations.
However, though they expressed themselves with the utmost heat and determination,
they yet were never known to descend to any personal reproaches, or in
their passion to let slip any indecent expressions, so as to derogate from
one another.
For not alone-
"In revellings and Bacchic play," but also in contentions and political
animosities, a noble nature and a temperate education stay and compose
the mind. Observing that Octavius himself was an offender against this
law, and detained a great quantity of ground from the commonalty, Tiberius
desired him to forbear opposing him any further, and proffered, for the
public good, though he himself had but an indifferent estate, to pay a
price for Octavius's share at his own cost and charges. But upon the refusal
of this proffer by Octavius, he then interposed an edict, prohibiting all
magistrates to exercise their respective functions, till such time as the
law was either ratified or rejected by public votes. He further sealed
up the gates of Saturn's temple, so that the treasurers could neither take
any money out from thence, nor put any in. He threatened to impose a severe
fine upon those of the praetors who presumed to disobey his commands, insomuch
that all the officers, for fear of this penalty, intermitted the exercise
of their several jurisdictions. Upon this the rich proprietors put themselves
into mourning, and went up and down melancholy and dejected; they entered
also into a conspiracy against Tiberius, and procured men to murder him;
so that he also, with all men's knowledge, whenever he went abroad, took
with him a sword-staff, such as robbers use, called in Latin a
dolo.
When the day appointed was come, and the people summoned to give
their votes, the rich men seized upon the voting urns and carried them
away by force; thus all things were in confusion. But when Tiberius's party
appeared strong enough to oppose the contrary faction, and drew together
in a body, with the resolution to do so, Manlius and Fulvius, two of the
consular quality, threw themselves before Tiberius, took him by the hand,
and, with tears in their eyes, begged of him to desist. Tiberius, considering
the mischiefs that were all but now occurring, and having a great respect
for two such eminent persons, demanded of them what they would advise him
to do. They acknowledged themselves unfit to advise in a matter of so great
importance, but earnestly entreated him to leave it to the determination
of the senate. But when the senate assembled, and could not bring the business
to any result, through the prevalence of the rich faction, he then was
driven to a course neither legal nor fair, and proposed to deprive Octavius
of his tribuneship, it being impossible for him in any other way to get
the law brought to the vote. At first he addressed him publicly, with entreaties
couched in the kindest terms, and taking him by his hands, besought him,
that now, in the presence of all the people, he would take this opportunity
to oblige them, in granting only that request which was in itself so just
and reasonable, being but a small recompense in regard of those many dangers
and hardships which they had undergone for the public safety. Octavius,
however, would by no means be persuaded to compliance; upon which Tiberius
declared openly, that, seeing they two were united in the same office,
and of equal authority, it would be a difficult matter to compose their
difference on so weighty a matter without a civil war; and that the only
remedy which he knew must be the deposing one of them from their office.
He desired, therefore, that Octavius would summon the people to pass their
verdict upon him first, averring that he would willingly relinquish his
authority if the citizens desired it. Octavius refused; and Tiberius then
said he would himself put to the people the question of Octavius's deposition,
if upon mature deliberation he did not alter his mind and after this declaration
he adjourned the assembly till the next day.
When the people were met together again, Tiberius placed himself
in the rostra, and endeavoured a second time to persuade Octavius. But
all being to no purpose, he referred the whole matter to the people, calling
on them to vote at once, whether Octavius should be deposed or not; and
when seventeen of the thirty-five tribes had already voted against him,
and there wanted only the votes of one tribe more for his final deprivation,
Tiberius put a short stop to the proceedings, and once more renewed his
importunities; he embraced and kissed him before all the assembly, begging
with all the earnestness imaginable, that he would neither suffer himself
to incur the dishonour, nor him to be reputed the author and promoter of
so odious a measure. Octavius, we are told, did seem a little softened
and moved with these entreaties; his eyes filled with tears, and he continued
silent for a considerable time. But presently looking towards the rich
men and proprietors of estates, who stood gathered in a body together,
partly for shame, and partly for fear of disgracing himself with them,
he boldly bade Tiberius use any severity he pleased. The law for his deprivation
being thus voted, Tiberius ordered one of his servants, whom he had made
a freeman, to remove Octavius from the rostra, employing his own domestic
freed servants in the stead of the public officers. And it made the action
seem all the sadder, that Octavius was dragged out in such an ignominious
manner. The people immediately assaulted him, whilst the rich men ran in
to his assistance. Octavius, with some difficulty, was snatched away and
safely conveyed out of the crowd; though a trusty servant of his, who had
placed himself in front of his master that he might assist his escape,
in keeping off the multitude, had his eyes struck out, much to the displeasure
of Tiberius, who ran with all haste, when he perceived the disturbance,
to appease the rioters.
This being done, the law concerning the lands was ratified and
confirmed, and three commissioners were appointed, to make a survey of
the grounds, and see the same equally divided. These were Tiberius himself,
Claudius Appius, his father-in-law and his brother, Caius Gracchus, who
at this time was not at Rome, but in the army under the command of Scipio
Africanus before Numantia. These things were transacted by Tiberius without
any disturbance, none daring to offer any resistance to him; besides which,
he gave the appointment as tribune in Octavius's place, not to any person
of distinction, but to a certain Mucius, one of his own clients. The great
men of the city were therefore utterly offended, and, fearing lest he grew
yet more popular, they took all opportunities of affronting him publicly
in the senate-house. For when he requested, as was usual, to have a tent
provided at the public charge for his use, while dividing the lands, though
it was a favour commonly granted to persons employed in business of much
less importance, it was peremptorily refused to him; and the allowance
made him for his daily expenses was fixed to nine obols only. The chief
promoter of these affronts was Publius Nasica, who openly abandoned himself
to his feelings of hatred against Tiberius, being a large holder of the
public lands, and not a little resenting now to be turned out of them by
force. The people, on the other hand, were still more and more excited,
insomuch that a little after this, it happening that one of Tiberius's
friends died suddenly, and his body being marked with malignant-looking
spots, they ran, in a tumultuous manner, to his funeral, crying aloud that
the man was poisoned. They took the bier upon their shoulders, and stood
over it, while it was placed on the pile, and really seemed to have fair
grounds for their suspicion of foul play. For the body burst open, and
such a quantity of corrupt humours issued out, that the funeral fire was
extinguished, and when it was again kindled, the wood still would not burn;
insomuch that they were constrained to carry the corpse to another place,
where with much difficulty it took fire. Besides this, Tiberius, that he
might incense the people yet more, put himself into mourning, brought his
children amongst the crowd, and entreated the people to provide for them
and their mother, as if he now despaired of his own
security.
About this time king Attalus, surnamed Philometor, died, and Eudemus,
a Pergamenian, brought his last will to Rome, by which he had made the
Roman people his heirs. Tiberius, to please the people, immediately proposed
making a law, that all the money which Attalus left should be distributed
amongst such poor citizens as were to be sharers of the public lands, for
the better enabling them to proceed in stocking and cultivating their ground;
and as for the cities that were in the territories of Attalus, he declared
that the disposal of them did not at all belong to the senate, but to the
people, and that he himself would ask their pleasure herein. By this he
offended the senate more than ever he had done before, and Pompeius stood
up and acquainted them that he was the next neighbour to Tiberius, and
so had the opportunity of knowing that Eudemus, the Pergamenian, had presented
Tiberius with a royal diadem and a purple robe, as before long he was to
be king of Rome. Quintus Metellus also upbraided him, saying, that when
his father was censor, the Romans, whenever he happened to be going home
from a supper, used to put out all their lights, lest they should be seen
to have indulged themselves in feasting and drinking at unseasonable hours,
whereas now the most indigent and audacious of the people were found with
their torches at night, following Tiberius home. Titus Annius, a man of
no great repute for either justice or temperance, but famous for his skill
in putting and answering questions, challenged Tiberius to the proof by
wager, declaring him to have deposed a magistrate who by law was sacred
and inviolable. Loud clamour ensued, and Tiberius, quitting the senate
hastily, called together the people, and summoning Annius to appear, was
proceeding to accuse him. But Annius, being no great speaker, nor of any
repute compared to him, sheltered himself in his own particular art, and
desired that he might propose one or two questions to Tiberius before he
entered upon the chief argument. This liberty being granted, and silence
proclaimed, Annius proposed his question. "If you," said he, "had a design
to disgrace and defame me, and I should apply myself to one of your colleagues
for redress, and he should come forward to my assistance, would you for
that reason fall into a passion, and depose him?" Tiberius, they say, was
so much disconcerted at this question, that, though at other times his
assurance as his readiness of speech was always remarkable, yet now he
was silent and made no reply.
For the present he dismissed the assembly. But beginning to understand
that the course he had taken with Octavius had created offence even among
the populace as well as the nobility, because the dignity of the tribunes
seemed to be violated, which had always continued till that day sacred
and honourable, he made a speech to the people in justification of himself;
out of which it may not be improper to collect some particulars, to give
an impression of his force and persuasiveness in speaking. "A tribune,"
he said, "of the people, is sacred indeed, and ought to be inviolable,
because in a manner consecrated to be the guardian and protector of them;
but if he degenerate so far as to oppress the people, abridge their powers,
and take away their liberty of voting, he stands deprived by his own act
of honours and immunities, by the neglect of the duty for which the honour
was bestowed upon him. Otherwise we should be under the obligation to let
a tribune do this pleasure, though he should proceed to destroy the capitol
or set fire to the arsenal. He who should make these attempts would be
a bad tribune. He who assails the power of the people is no longer a tribune
at all. Is it not inconceivable that a tribune should have power to imprison
a consul, and the people have no authority to degrade him when he uses
that honour which he received from them, to their detriment? For the tribunes,
as well as the consuls, hold office by the people's votes. The kingly government,
which comprehends all sorts of authority in itself alone, is moreover elevated
by the greatest and most religious solemnity imaginable into a condition
of sanctity. But the citizens, notwithstanding this, deposed Tarquin, when
he acted wrongfully; and for the crime of one single man, the ancient government
under which Rome was built was abolished for ever. What is there in all
Rome so sacred and venerable as the vestal virgins, to whose care alone
the preservation of the eternal fire is committed? yet if one of these
transgress she is buried alive; the sanctity which for the gods' sakes
is allowed them, is forfeited when they offend against the gods. So likewise
a tribune retains not his inviolability, which for the people's sake was
accorded to him, when he offends against the people, and attacks the foundations
of that authority from whence he derived his own. We esteem him to be legally
chosen tribune who is elected only by the majority of votes; and is not
therefore the same person much more lawfully degraded when, by a general
consent of them all, they agreed to depose him? Nothing is so sacred as
religious offerings; yet the people were never prohibited to make use of
them, but suffered to remove and carry them wherever they pleased; so likewise,
as it were some sacred present, they have lawful power to transfer the
tribuneship from one man's hands to another's. Nor can that authority be
thought inviolable and irremovable which many of those who have held it,
have of their own act surrendered and desired to be discharged
from."
These were the principal heads of Tiberius's apology. But his friends,
apprehending the dangers which seemed to threaten him, and the conspiracy
that was gathering head against him, were of opinion that the safest way
would be for him to petition that he might be continued tribune for the
year ensuing. Upon this consideration he again endeavoured to secure the
people's good-will with fresh laws, making the years of serving in the
war fewer than formerly, granting liberty of appeal from the judges to
the people, and joining to the senators, who were judges at that time,
an equal number of citizens of the horsemen's degree, endeavouring as much
as in him lay to lessen the power of the senate, rather from passion and
partisanship than from any rational regard to equity and the public good.
And when it came to the question whether these laws should be passed, and
they perceived that the opposite party were strongest, the people as yet
being not got together in a full body, they began first of all to gain
time by speeches in accusation of some of their fellow-magistrates and
at length adjourned the assembly till the day following.
Tiberius then went down into the market-place amongst the people,
and made his addresses to them humbly and with tears in his eyes; and told
them he had just reason to suspect that his adversaries would attempt in
the night-time to break open his house and murder him. This worked so strongly
with the multitude, that several of them pitched tents round about his
house, and kept guard all night for the security of his person. By break
of day came one of the soothsayers, who prognosticate good or bad success
by the pecking of fowls, and threw them something to eat. The soothsayer
used his utmost endeavours to fright the fowls out of their coop; but none
of them except one would venture out, which fluttered with his left wing,
and stretched out its leg, and ran back again into the coop, without eating
anything. This put Tiberius in mind of another ill-omen which had formerly
happened to him. He had a very costly headpiece, which he made use of when
he engaged in any battle, and into this piece of armour two serpents crawled,
laid eggs, and brought forth young ones. The remembrance of which made
Tiberius more concerned now than otherwise he would have been. However,
he went towards the capitol as soon as he understood that the people were
assembled there; but before he got out of the house he stumbled upon the
threshold with such violence, that he broke the nail of his great toe,
insomuch that blood gushed out of his shoes. He was not gone very far before
he saw two ravens fighting on the top of a house which stood on his left
hand as he passed along; and though he was surrounded with a number of
people, a stone struck from its place by one of the ravens, fell just at
his foot. This even the boldest men about him felt as a check. But Blossius
of Cuma, who was present, told him that it would be a shame and an ignominious
thing for Tiberius, who was a son of Gracchus, the grandson of Scipio Africanus,
and the protector of the Roman people to refuse, for fear of a silly bird,
to answer when his countrymen called to him; and that his adversaries would
represent it not as a mere matter for their ridicule, but would declaim
about it to the people as the mark of a tyrannical temper, which felt a
pride in taking liberties with the people. At the same time several messengers
came also from his friends, to desire his presence at the capitol, saying
that all things went there according to expectation. And indeed Tiberius's
first entrance there was in every way successful; as soon as ever he appeared,
the people welcomed him with loud acclamations, and as he went up to his
place, they repeated their expressions of joy, and gathered in a body around
him, so that no one who was not well known to be his friend might approach.
Mucius then began to put the business again to the vote; but nothing could
be performed in the usual course and order, because of the disturbance
caused by those who were on the outside of the crowd, where there was a
struggle going on with those of the opposite party, who were pushing on
and trying to force their way in and establish themselves among
them.
Whilst things were in this confusion, Flavius Flaccus, a senator,
standing in a place where he could be seen, but at such a distance from
Tiberius that he could not make him hear, signified to him by motions of
his hand, that he wished to impart something of consequence to him in private.
Tiberius ordered the multitude to make way for him, by which means, though
not without some difficulty, Flavius got to him, and informed him that
the rich men, in a sitting of the senate, seeing they could not prevail
upon the consul to espouse their quarrel, had come to a final determination
amongst themselves that he should be assassinated, and to that purpose
had a great number of their friends and servants ready armed to accomplish
it. Tiberius no sooner communicated this confederacy to those about him,
but they immediately tucked up their gowns, broke the halberts which the
officers used to keep the crowd off into pieces, and distributed them among
themselves, resolving to resist the attack with these. Those who stood
at a distance wondered, and asked what was the occasion; Tiberius, knowing
that they could not hear him at that distance, lifted his hand to his head
wishing to intimate the great danger which he apprehended himself to be
in. His adversaries, taking notice of that action, ran off at once to the
senate-house, and declared that Tiberius desired the people to bestow a
crown upon him, as if this were the meaning of his touching his head. This
news created general confusion in the senators, and Nasica at once called
upon the consul to punish this tyrant, and defend the government. The consul
mildly replied, that he would not be the first to do any violence; and
as he would not suffer any freeman to be put to death, before sentence
had lawfully passed upon him, so neither would he allow any measure to
be carried into effect, if by persuasion or compulsion on the part of Tiberius
the people had been induced to pass an unlawful vote. But Nasica, rising
from his seat, "Since the consul," said he, "regards not the safety of
the commonwealth, let every one who will defend the laws, follow me." He
then, casting the skirt of his gown over his head, hastened to the capitol;
those who bore him company, wrapped their gowns also about their arms,
and forced their way after him. And as they were persons of the greatest
authority in the city, the common people did not venture to obstruct their
passing, but were rather so eager to clear the way for them, that they
tumbled over one another in haste. The attendants they brought with them
had furnished themselves with clubs and staves from their houses, and they
themselves picked up the feet and other fragments of stools and chairs,
which were broken by the hasty flight of the common people. Thus armed,
they made towards Tiberius, knocking down those whom they found in front
of him, and those were soon wholly dispersed and many of them slain. Tiberius
tried to save himself by flight. As he was running, he was stopped by one
who caught hold of him by the gown; but he threw it off, and fled in his
under-garment only. And stumbling over those who before had been knocked
down, as he was endeavouring to get up again, Publius Satureius, a tribune,
one of his colleagues, was observed to give him the first fatal stroke,
by hitting him upon the head with the foot of a stool. The second blow
was claimed, as though it had been a deed to be proud of, by Lucius Rufus.
And of the rest there fell above three hundred killed by clubs and staves
only, none by an iron weapon.
This, we are told, was the first sedition amongst the Romans, since
the abrogation of kingly government, that ended in the effusion of blood.
All former quarrels which were neither small nor about trivial matters,
were always amicably composed, by mutual concessions on either side, the
senate yielding for fear of the commons, and the commons out of respect
to the senate. And it is probable indeed that Tiberius himself might then
have been easily induced, by mere persuasion, to give way, and certainly,
if attacked at all, must have yielded without any recourse to violence
and bloodshed, as he had not at that time above three thousand men to support
him. But it is evident, that this conspiracy was fomented against him,
more out of the hatred and malice which the rich men had to his person,
than for the reasons which they commonly pretended against him. In testimony
of which we may adduce the cruelty and unnatural insults which they used
to his dead body. For they would not suffer his own brother, though he
earnestly begged the favour, to bury him in the night, but threw him, together
with the other corpses, into the river. Neither did their animosity stop
here; for they banished some of his friends without legal process, and
slew as many of the others as they could lay their hands on; amongst whom
Diophanes, the orator, was slain, and one Caius Villius cruelly murdered
by being shut up in a large tun with vipers and serpents. Blossius of Cuma,
indeed, was carried before the consuls, and examined touching what had
happened, and freely confessed that he had done, without scruple, whatever
Tiberius bade him. "What," cried Nasica, "then if Tiberius had bidden you
burn the capitol, would you have burnt it?" His first answer was, that
Tiberius never would have ordered any such thing; but being pressed with
the same question by several, he declared, "If Tiberius had commanded it,
it would have been right for me to do it; for he never would have commanded
it, if it had not been for the people's good." Blossius at this time was
pardoned, and afterwards went away to Aristonicus in Asia, and when Aristonicus
was overthrown and ruined, killed himself.
The senate, to soothe the people after these transactions, did
not oppose the division of the public lands, and permitted them to choose
another commissioner in the room of Tiberius. So they elected Publius Crassus,
who was Gracchus's near connection, as his daughter Licinia was married
to Caius Gracchus; although Cornelius Nepos says, that it was not Crassus's
daughter whom Caius married, but Brutus's, who triumphed for his victories
over the Lusitanians: but most writers state it as we have done. The people,
however, showed evident marks of their anger at Tiberius's death; and were
clearly waiting only for the opportunity to be revenged, and Nasica was
already threatened with an impeachment. The senate, therefore, fearing
lest some mischief should befall him, sent him ambassador into Asia, though
there was no occasion for his going thither. For the people did not conceal
their indignation even in the open streets, but railed at him, whenever
they met him abroad calling him a murderer and a tyrant, one who had polluted
the most holy and religious spot in Rome with the blood of a sacred and
inviolable magistrate. And so Nasica left Italy, although he was bound,
being the chief priest, to officiate in all principal sacrifices. Thus
wandering wretchedly and ignominiously from one place to another, he died
in a short time after, not far from Pergamus. It is no wonder that the
people had such an aversion to Nasica, when even Scipio Africanus, though
so much and so deservedly beloved by the Romans, was in danger of quite
losing the good opinion which the people had of him, only for repeating,
when the news of Tiberius's death was first brought to Numantia, the verse
out of Homer-
"Even so perish all who do the same." And afterwards, being asked
by Caius and Fulvius, in a great assembly, what he thought of Tiberius's
death, he gave an answer adverse to Tiberius's public actions. Upon which
account, the people thenceforth used to interrupt him when he spoke, which,
until that time, they had never done, and he, on the other hand, was induced
to speak ill of the people. But of this the particulars are given in the
life of Scipio.
THE END
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